in English:
Liu Xiaobo was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize 2010, is literary critic, writer, professor, intellectual and activist for human and political rights and democratic reform and respect for fundamental human rights in China, and finds be imprisoned since December 8, 2008, when he was detained in response to his participation in the signing of the "Charter 08".
Liu Xiaobo was formally arrested on June 23, 2009 on charges of "inciting subversion of state power".
Was charged for the same reasons on 23 December of the same year and sentenced to 11 years in prison on December 25.
Hoje, 28 de Dezembro de 2013, é o seu dia de aniversário.
Parabéns Liu Xiaobo!
His arrest is not more than the response of intolerance and repression by the Chinese authorities.
Shame on Popular Republic of China!
in Portuguese:
Liu Xiaobo foi laureado pelo Prémio Nobel da Paz de 2010, é crítico literário, escritor, professor, intelectual e activista pelos direitos humanos e por reformas políticas e democráticas, bem como o respeito pelos elementares direitos humanos, na República Popular da China, e encontra-se preso desde 8 de Dezembro de 2008, quando foi detido em resposta à sua participação na assinatura da "Carta 08".
Liu Xiaobo foi formalmente preso em 23 de Junho de 2009 sob a acusação de "incitar à subversão contra o poder do Estado".
Foi acusado pelos mesmos motivos em 23 de Dezembro do mesmo ano e condenado a 11 anos de prisão em 25 de Dezembro.
Today, December 28, 2013, is the anniversary of Liu Xiaobo.
Happy birthday to you, Liu Xiaobo!
A sua prisão mais não é do que a resposta de intolerância e repressão das autoridades chinesas.
Vergonha para a República Popular da China!
Documents - Documentos:
In English:
"I have no enemies." - The defense of Liu Xiaobo before the objections of the Chinese State, who condemned him to prison.
http://euacuso.blogs.sapo.pt/223824.html
Em português:
“Eu não tenho inimigos.” - A defesa de Liu Xiaobo perante as acusações do Estado Chinês, que o condenaram à prisão.
http://euacuso.blogs.sapo.pt/163813.html
Em inglês:
"Charter 08" - A letter ruging democratic reforms in China, by chinese intellectuals and democrats.
http://euacuso.blogs.sapo.pt/223551.html
Em português:
"Carta 08" - A carta pedindo a reforma democrática da China, pelos intelectuais e democratas chineses.
http://euacuso.blogs.sapo.pt/163498.html
Liu Xiaobo: I Have No Enemies.
His speech in court. (Read by Liv Ullmann at the Nobel Peace Prize award ceremony in Oslo, Dec. 10, 2010. Translation by HRIC.)
In the course of my life, for more than half a century, June 1989 was the major turning point. Up to that point, I was a member of the first class to enter university when college entrance examinations were reinstated following the Cultural Revolution (Class of ‘77). From BA to MA and on to PhD, my academic career was all smooth sailing. Upon receiving my degrees, I stayed on to teach at Beijing Normal University . As a teacher, I was well received by the students. At the same time, I was a public intellectual, writing articles and books that created quite a stir during the 1980s, frequently receiving invitations to give talks around the country, and going abroad as a visiting scholar upon invitation from Europe and America . What I demanded of myself was this: whether as a person or as a writer, I would lead a life of honesty, responsibility, and dignity. After that, because I had returned from the U.S. to take part in the 1989 Movement, I was thrown into prison for “the crime of counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement.” I also lost my beloved lectern and could no longer publish essays or give talks in China . Merely for publishing different political views and taking part in a peaceful democracy movement, a teacher lost his lectern, a writer lost his right to publish, and a public intellectual lost the opportunity to give talks publicly. This is a tragedy, both for me personally and for a China that has already seen thirty years of Reform and Opening Up.
When I think about it, my most dramatic experiences after June Fourth have been, surprisingly, associated with courts: My two opportunities to address the public have both been provided by trial sessions at the Beijing Municipal Intermediate People’s Court, once in January 1991, and again today. Although the crimes I have been charged with on the two occasions are different in name, their real substance is basically the same - both are speech crimes.
Twenty years have passed, but the ghosts of June Fourth have not yet been laid to rest. Upon release from Qincheng Prison in 1991, I, who had been led onto the path of political dissent by the psychological chains of June Fourth, lost the right to speak publicly in my own country and could only speak through the foreign media. Because of this, I was subjected to year-round monitoring, kept under residential surveillance (May 1995 to January 1996) and sent to Reeducation-Through-Labor (October 1996 to October 1999). And now I have been once again shoved into the dock by the enemy mentality of the regime. But I still want to say to this regime, which is depriving me of my freedom, that I stand by the convictions I expressed in my “June Second Hunger Strike Declaration” twenty years ago - I have no enemies and no hatred. None of the police who monitored, arrested, and interrogated me, none of the prosecutors who indicted me, and none of the judges who judged me are my enemies. Although there is no way I can accept your monitoring, arrests, indictments, and verdicts, I respect your professions and your integrity, including those of the two prosecutors, Zhang Rongge and Pan Xueqing, who are now bringing charges against me on behalf of the prosecution. During interrogation on December 3, I could sense your respect and your good faith.
Hatred can rot away at a person’s intelligence and conscience. Enemy mentality will poison the spirit of a nation, incite cruel mortal struggles, destroy a society’s tolerance and humanity, and hinder a nation’s progress toward freedom and democracy. That is why I hope to be able to transcend my personal experiences as i look upon our nation’s development and social change, to counter the regime’s hostility with utmost goodwill, and to dispel hatred with love.
Everyone knows that it was Reform and Opening Up that brought about our country’s development and social change. In my view, Reform and Opening Up began with the abandonment of the “using class struggle as guiding principle” government policy of the Mao era and, in its place, a commitment to economic development and social harmony. The process of abandoning the “philosophy of struggle” was also a process of gradual weakening of the enemy mentality and elimination of the psychology of hatred, and a process of squeezing out the “wolf’s milk” that had seeped into human nature. It was this process that provided a relaxed climate, at home and abroad, for Reform and Opening Up, gentle and humane grounds for restoring mutual affection among people and peaceful coexistence among those with different interests and values, thereby providing encouragement in keeping with humanity for the bursting forth of creativity and the restoration of compassion among our countrymen. One could say that relinquishing the “anti-imperialist and anti-revisionist” stance in foreign relations and “class struggle” at home has been the basic premise that has enabled Reform and Opening Up to continue to this very day. The market trend in the economy, the diversification of culture, and the gradual shift in social order toward the rule of law have all benefitted from the weakening of the “enemy mentality.” Even in the political arena, where progress is slowest, the weakening of the enemy mentality has led to an ever-growing tolerance for social pluralism on the part of the regime and substantial decrease in the force of persecution of political dissidents, and the official designation of the 1989 Movement has also been changed from “turmoil and riot” to “political disturbance.” The weakening of the enemy mentality has paved the way for the regime to gradually accept the universality of human rights. In [1997 and] 1998 the Chinese government made a commitment to sign two major United Nations international human rights covenants, signaling China’s acceptance of universal human rights standards. In 2004, the National People’s Congress (NPC) amended the Constitution, writing into the Constitution for the first time that “the state respects and guarantees human rights,” signaling that human rights have already become one of the fundamental principles of China’s rule of law. At the same time, the current regime puts forth the ideas of “putting people first” and “Creating a harmonious society,” signaling progress in the CPC’s concept of rule.
I have also been able to feel this progress on the macro level through my own personal experience since my arrest.
Although I continue to maintain that I am innocent and that the charges against me are unconstitutional, during the one plus year since I have lost my freedom, I have been locked up at two different locations and gone through four pretrial police interrogators, three prosecutors, and two judges, but in handling my case, they have not been disrespectful, overstepped time limitations, or tried to force a confession. Their manner has been moderate and reasonable; moreover, they have often shown goodwill. On June 23, I was moved from a location where I was kept under residential surveillance to the Beijing Municipal Public Security Bureau’s No. 1 Detention Center, known as “Beikan.” During my six months at Beikan, I saw improvements in prison management.
In 1996, I spent time at the old Beikan (located at Banbuqiao). Compared to the old Beikan of more than a decade ago, the present Beikan is a huge improvement, both in terms of the “hardware” - the facilities - and the “software” - the management. In particular, the humane management pioneered by the new Beikan, based on respect for the rights an integrity of detainees, has brought flexible management to bear on every aspect of the behavior of the correctional staff, and has found expression in the “comforting broadcasts,” Repentance magazine, and music before meals, on waking and at bedtime. This style of management allows detainees to experience a sense of dignity and warmth, and stirs their consciousness in maintaining prison order and opposing the bullies among inmates.
Not only has it provided a humane living environment for detainees, it has also greatly improved the environment for their litigation to take place and their state of mind. I’ve had close contact with correctional officer Liu Zheng, who has been in charge of me in my cell, and his respect and care for detainees could be seen in every detail of his work, permeating his every word and deed, and giving one a warm feeling. It was perhaps my good fortune to have gotten to know this sincere, honest, conscien tious, and kind correctional officer during my time at Beikan.
It is precisely because of such convictions and personal experience that I firmly believe that China ‘s political progress will not stop, and I, filled with optimism, look forward to the advent of a future free China . For there is no force that can put an end to the human quest for freedom, and China will in the end become.a nation ruled by law, where human rights reign supreme. I also hope that this sort of progress can be reflected in this trial as I await the impartial ruling of the collegial bench - a ruling that will withstand the test of history.
If I may be permitted to say so, the most fortunate experience of these past twenty years has been the selfless love I have received from my wife, Liu Xia. She could not be present as an observer in court today, but I still want to say to you, my dear, that I firmly believe your love for me will remain the same as it has always been. Throughout all these years that I have lived without freedom, our love was full of bitterness imposed by outside circumstances, but as I savor its aftertaste, it remains boundless. I am serving my sentence in a tangible prison, while you wait in the intangible prison of the heart. Your love is the sunlight that leaps over high walls and penetrates the iron bars of my prison window, stroking every inch of my skin, warming every cell of my body, allowing me to always keep peace, openness, and brightness in my heart, and filling every minute of my time in prison with meaning. My love for you, on the other hand, is so full of remorse and regret that it at times makes me stagger under its weight. I am an insensate stone in the wilderness, whipped by fierce wind and torrential rain, so cold that no one dares touch me. But my love is solid and sharp, capable of piercing through any obstacle. Even if I were crushed into powder, I would still use my ashes to embrace you.
My dear, with your love I can calmly face my impending trial, having no regrets about the choices I’ve made and optimistically awaiting tomorrow. I look forward to [the day] when my country is a land with freedom of expression, where the speech of every citizen will be treated equally well; where different values, ideas, beliefs, and political views ... can both compete with each other and peacefully coexist; where both majority and minority views will be equally guaranteed, and where the political views that differ from those currently in power, in particular, will be fully respected and protected; where all political views will spread out under the sun for people to choose from, where every citizen can state political views without fear, and where no one can under any circumstances suffer political persecution for voicing divergent political views. I hope that I will be the last victim of China ‘s endless literary inquisitions and that from now on no one will be incriminated because of speech.
Freedom of expression is the foundation of human rights, the source of humanity, and the mother of truth. To strangle freedom of speech is to trample on human rights, stifle humanity, and suppress truth.
In order to exercise the right to freedom of speech conferred by the Constitution, one should fulfill the social responsibility of a Chinese citizen. There is nothing criminal in anything I have done. [But] if charges are brought against me because of this, I have no complaints.
Thank you, everyone.
(Based on a translation by J. Latourelle)
(Ceremony of the Nobel Peace Prize 2010, December 10, 2012, in the absence of the laureate Liu Xiaobo)
December 9, 2008:
(Translated from the Chinese by Perry Link)
The document below, signed by over three hundred prominent Chinese citizens, was conceived and written in conscious admiration of the founding of Charter 77 in Czechoslovakia, where, in January 1977, more than two hundred Czech and Slovak intellectuals formed a loose, informal, and open association of people... united by the will to strive individually and collectively for respect for human and civil rights in our country and throughout the world.
The Chinese document calls not for ameliorative reform of the current political system but for an end to some of its essential features, including one-party rule, and their replacement with a system based on human rights and democracy.
The prominent citizens who have signed the document are from both outside and inside the government, and include not only well-known dissidents and intellectuals, but also middle-level officials and rural leaders. They have chosen December 10, the anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as the day on which to express their political ideas and to outline their vision of a constitutional, democratic China. They intend "Charter 08" to serve as a blueprint for fundamental political change in China in the years to come. The signers of the document will form an informal group, open-ended in size but united by a determination to promote democratization and protection of human rights in China and beyond.
On December 8 two prominent signers of the Charter, Zhang Zuhua and Liu Xiaobo, were detained by the police. Zhang Zuhua has since been released; as of December 9, Liu Xiabo remains in custody.
I. Foreword
A hundred years have passed since the writing of China's first constitution. 2008 also marks the sixtieth anniversary of the promulgation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the thirtieth anniversary of the appearance of Democracy Wall in Beijing, and the tenth of China's signing of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. We are approaching the twentieth anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen massacre of pro-democracy student protesters. The Chinese people, who have endured human rights disasters and uncountable struggles across these same years, now include many who see clearly that freedom, equality, and human rights are universal values of humankind and that democracy and constitutional government are the fundamental framework for protecting these values.
By departing from these values, the Chinese government's approach to "modernization" has proven disastrous. It has stripped people of their rights, destroyed their dignity, and corrupted normal human intercourse. So we ask: Where is China headed in the twenty-first century? Will it continue with "modernization" under authoritarian rule, or will it embrace universalhuman values, join the mainstream of civilized nations, and build a democratic system? There can be no avoiding these questions.
The shock of the Western impact upon China in the nineteenth century laid bare a decadent authoritarian system and marked the beginning of what is often called "the greatest changes in thousands of years" for China. A "self-strengthening movement" followed, but this aimed simply at appropriating the technology to build gunboats and other Western material objects. China's humiliating naval defeat at the hands of Japan in 1895 only confirmed the obsolescence of China's system of government. The first attempts at modern political change came with the ill-fated summer of reforms in 1898, but these were cruelly crushed by ultraconservatives at China's imperial court. With the revolution of 1911, which inaugurated Asia's first republic, the authoritarian imperial system that had lasted for centuries was finally supposed to have been laid to rest. But social conflict inside our country and external pressures were to prevent it; China fell into a patchwork of warlord fiefdoms and the new republic became a fleeting dream.
The failure of both "self-strengthening" and political renovation caused many of our forebears to reflect deeply on whether a "cultural illness" was afflicting our country. This mood gave rise, during the May Fourth Movement of the late 1910s, to the championing of "science and democracy." Yet that effort, too, foundered as warlord chaos persisted and the Japanese invasion [beginning in Manchuria in 1931] brought national crisis.
Victory over Japan in 1945 offered one more chance for China to move toward modern government, but the Communist defeat of the Nationalists in the civil war thrust the nation into the abyss of totalitarianism. The "new China" that emerged in 1949 proclaimed that "the people are sovereign" but in fact set up a system in which "the Party is all-powerful." The Communist Party of China seized control of all organs of the state and all political, economic, and social resources, and, using these, has produced a long trail of human rights disasters, including, among many others, the Anti-Rightist Campaign (1957), the Great Leap Forward (1958ˆ1960), the Cultural Revolution (1966ˆ1969), the June Fourth (Tiananmen Square) Massacre (1989), and the current repression of all unauthorized religions and the suppression of the weiquan rights movement [a movement that aims to defend citizens' rights promulgated in the Chinese Constitution and to fight for human rights recognized by international conventions that the Chinese government has signed]. During all this, the Chinese people have paid a gargantuan price. Tens of millions have lost their lives, and several generations have seen their freedom, their happiness, and their human dignity cruelly trampled.
During the last two decades of the twentieth century the government policy of "Reform and Opening" gave the Chinese people relief from the pervasive poverty and totalitarianism of the Mao Zedong era and brought substantial increases in the wealth and living standards of many Chinese as well as a partial restoration of economic freedom and economic rights. Civil society began to grow, and popular calls for more rights and more political freedom have grown apace. As the ruling elite itself moved toward private ownership and the market economy, it began to shift from an outright rejection of "rights" to a partial acknowledgment of them.
In 1998 the Chinese government signed two important international human rights conventions; in 2004 it amended its constitution to include the phrase "respect and protect human rights"; and this year, 2008, it has promised to promote a "national human rights action plan." Unfortunately most of this political progress has extended no further than the paper on which it is written. The political reality, which is plain for anyone to see, is that China has many laws but no rule of law; it has a constitution but no constitutional government. The ruling elite continues to cling to its authoritarian power and fights off any move toward political change.
The stultifying results are endemic official corruption, an undermining of the rule of law, weak human rights, decay in public ethics, crony capitalism, growing inequality between the wealthy and the poor, pillage of the natural environment as well as of the human and historical environments, and the exacerbation of a long list of social conflicts, especially, in recent times, a sharpening animosity between officials and ordinary people.
As these conflicts and crises grow ever more intense, and as the ruling elite continues with impunity to crush and to strip away the rights of citizens to freedom, to property, and to the pursuit of happiness, we see the powerless in our society ̃the vulnerable groups, the people who have been suppressed and monitored, who have suffered cruelty and even torture, and who have had no adequate avenues for their protests, no courts to hear their pleas ̃becoming more militant and raising the possibility of a violent
conflict of disastrous proportions. The decline of the current system has reached the point where change is no longer optional.
II. Our Fundamental Principles
This is a historic moment for China, and our future hangs in the balance. In reviewing the political modernization process of the past hundred years or more, we reiterate and endorse basic universal values as follows:
Freedom. Freedom is at the core of universal human values. Freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, freedom of association, freedom in where to live, and the freedoms to strike, to demonstrate, and to protest, among others, are the forms that freedom takes. Without freedom, China will always remain far from civilized ideals.
Human rights. Human rights are not bestowed by a state. Every person is born with inherent rights to dignity and freedom. The government exists for the protection of the human rights of its citizens. The exercise of state power must be authorized by the people. The succession of political disasters in China's recent history is a direct consequence of the ruling regime's
disregard for human rights.
Equality. The integrity, dignity, and freedom of every person ̃regardless of social station, occupation, sex, economic condition, ethnicity, skin color, religion, or political belief ̃are the same as those of any other. Principles of equality before the law and equality of social, economic, cultural,
civil, and political rights must be upheld.
Republicanism. Republicanism, which holds that power should be balanced among different branches of government and competing interests should be served, resembles the traditional Chinese political ideal of "fairness in all under heaven." It allows different interest groups and social
assemblies, and people with a variety of cultures and beliefs, to exercise democratic self-government and to deliberate in order to reach peaceful resolution of public questions on a basis of equal access to government and free and fair competition.
Democracy. The most fundamental principles of democracy are that the people are sovereign and the people select their government. Democracy has these characteristics: (1) Political power begins with the people and the legitimacy of a regime derives from the people. (2) Political power is exercised through choices that the people make. (3) The holders of major official posts in government at all levels are determined through periodic competitive elections. (4) While honoring the will of the majority, the fundamental dignity, freedom, and human rights of minorities are protected. In short, democracy is a modern means for achieving government truly "of the people, by the people, and for the people."
Constitutional rule. Constitutional rule is rule through a legal system and legal regulations to implement principles that are spelled out in a constitution. It means protecting the freedom and the rights of citizens, limiting and defining the scope of legitimate government power, and providing the administrative apparatus necessary to serve these ends.
III. What We Advocate
Authoritarianism is in general decline throughout the world; in China, too, the era of emperors and overlords is on the way out. The time is arriving everywhere for citizens to be masters of states. For China the path that leads out of our current predicament is to divest ourselves of the authoritarian notion of reliance on an "enlightened overlord" or an "honest official" and to turn instead toward a system of liberties, democracy, and the rule of law, and toward fostering the consciousness of modern citizens who see rights as fundamental and participation as a duty. Accordingly, and in a spirit of this duty as responsible and constructive citizens, we offer the following recommendations on national governance, citizens' rights, and social development:
1. A New Constitution. We should recast our present constitution, rescinding its provisions that contradict the principle that sovereignty resides with the people and turning it into a document that genuinely guarantees human rights, authorizes the exercise of public power, and serves as the legal
underpinning of China's democratization. The constitution must be the highest law in the land, beyond violation by any individual, group, or political party.
2. Separation of powers. We should construct a modern government in which the separation of legislative, judicial, and executive power is guaranteed. We need an Administrative Law that defines the scope of government responsibility and prevents abuse of administrative power. Government should be responsible to taxpayers. Division of power between provincial governments and the central government should adhere to the principle that central powers are only those specifically granted by the constitution and
all other powers belong to the local governments.
3. Legislative democracy. Members of legislative bodies at all levels should be chosen by direct election, and legislative democracy should observe just and impartial principles.
4. An Independent Judiciary. The rule of law must be above the interests of any particular political party and judges must be independent. We need to establish a constitutional supreme court and institute procedures for constitutional review. As soon as possible, we should abolish all of the Committees on Political and Legal Affairs that now allow Communist Party officials at every level to decide politically-sensitive cases in advance and out of court. We should strictly forbid the use of public offices for private purposes.
5. Public Control of Public Servants. The military should be made answerable to the national government, not to a political party, and should be made more professional. Military personnel should swear allegiance to the constitution and remain nonpartisan. Political party organizations shall be prohibited in the military. All public officials including police should serve as nonpartisans, and the current practice of favoring one political party in the hiring of public servants must end.
6. Guarantee of Human Rights. There shall be strict guarantees of human rights and respect for human dignity. There should be a Human Rights Committee, responsible to the highest legislative body, that will prevent the government from abusing public power in violation of human rights. A democratic and constitutional China especially must guarantee the personal freedom of citizens. No one shall suffer illegal arrest, detention, arraignment, interrogation, or punishment. The system of "Reeducation through Labor" must be abolished.
7. Election of Public Officials. There shall be a comprehensive system of democratic elections based on "one person, one vote." The direct election of administrative heads at the levels of county, city, province, and nation should be systematically implemented. The rights to hold periodic free elections and to participate in them as a citizen are inalienable.
8. RuralˆUrban Equality. The two-tier household registry system must be abolished. This system favors urban residents and harms rural residents. We should establish instead a system that gives every citizen the same constitutional rights and the same freedom to choose where to live.
9. Freedom to Form Groups. The right of citizens to form groups must be guaranteed. The current system for registering nongovernment groups, which requires a group to be "approved," should be replaced by a system in which a group simply registers itself. The formation of political parties should be governed by the constitution and the laws, which means that we must abolish the special privilege of one party to monopolize power and must guarantee principles of free and fair competition among political parties.
10. Freedom to Assemble. The constitution provides that peaceful assembly, demonstration, protest, and freedom of expression are fundamental rights of a citizen. The ruling party and the government must not be permitted to subject these to illegal interference or unconstitutional obstruction.
11. Freedom of Expression. We should make freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and academic freedom universal, thereby guaranteeing that citizens can be informed and can exercise their right of political supervision. These freedoms should be upheld by a Press Law that abolishes political
restrictions on the press. The provision in the current Criminal Law that refers to "the crime of incitement to subvert state power" must be abolished. We should end the practice of viewing words as crimes.
12. Freedom of Religion. We must guarantee freedom of religion and belief and institute a separation of religion and state. There must be no governmental interference in peaceful religious activities. We should abolish any laws, regulations, or local rules that limit or suppress the religious freedom of citizens. We should abolish the current system that requires religious groups (and their places of worship) to get official approval in advance and substitute for it a system in which registry is optional and, for those who choose to register, automatic.
13. Civic Education. In our schools we should abolish political curriculums and examinations that are designed to indoctrinate students in state ideology and to instill support for the rule of one party. We should replace them with civic education that advances universal values and citizens' rights, fosters civic consciousness, and promotes civic virtues that serve society.
14. Protection of Private Property. We should establish and protect the right to private property and promote an economic system of free and fair markets. We should do away with government monopolies in commerce and industry and guarantee the freedom to start new enterprises. We should establish a Committee on State-Owned Property, reporting to the national legislature, that will monitor the transfer of state-owned enterprises to private ownership in a fair, competitive, and orderly manner. We should institute a land reform that promotes private ownership of land, guarantees the right to buy and sell land, and allows the true value of private property to be adequately reflected in the market.
15. Financial and Tax Reform. We should establish a democratically regulated and accountable system of public finance that ensures the protection of taxpayer rights and that operates through legal procedures. We need a system by which public revenues that belong to a certain level of
government ̃central, provincial, county or local ̃are controlled at that level. We need major tax reform that will abolish any unfair taxes, simplify the tax system, and spread the tax burden fairly. Government officials should not be able to raise taxes, or institute new ones, without public deliberation and the approval of a democratic assembly. We should reform the ownership system in order to encourage competition among a wider variety of market participants.
16. Social Security. We should establish a fair and adequate social security system that covers all citizens and ensures basic access to education, health care, retirement security, and employment.
17. Protection of the Environment. We need to protect the natural environment and to promote development in a way that is sustainable and responsible to our descendents and to the rest of humanity. This means insisting that the state and its officials at all levels not only do what they must do to achieve these goals, but also accept the supervision and participation of non-governmental organizations.
18. A Federated Republic. A democratic China should seek to act as a responsible major power contributing toward peace and development in the Asian Pacific region by approaching others in a spirit of equality and fairness. In Hong Kong and Macao, we should support the freedoms that already exist. With respect to Taiwan, we should declare our commitment to the principles of freedom and democracy and then, negotiating as equals, and ready to compromise, seek a formula for peaceful unification. We should approach disputes in the national-minority areas of China with an open mind, seeking ways to find a workable framework within which all ethnic and religious groups can flourish. We should aim ultimately at a federation of democratic communities of China.
19. Truth in Reconciliation. We should restore the reputations of all people, including their family members, who suffered political stigma in the political campaigns of the past or who have been labeled as criminals because of their thought, speech, or faith. The state should pay reparations to these people. All political prisoners and prisoners of conscience must be released. There should be a Truth Investigation Commission charged with finding the facts about past injustices and atrocities, determining responsibility for them, upholding justice, and, on these bases, seeking social reconciliation.
China, as a major nation of the world, as one of five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, and as a member of the UN Council on Human Rights, should be contributing to peace for humankind and progress toward human rights. Unfortunately, we stand today as the only country among the major nations that remains mired in authoritarian politics. Our political system continues to produce human rights disasters and social crises, thereby not only constricting China's own development but also
limiting the progress of all of human civilization. This must change, truly it must. The democratization of Chinese politics can be put off no longer.
Accordingly, we dare to put civic spirit into practice by announcing Charter 08. We hope that our fellow citizens who feel a similar sense of crisis, responsibility, and mission, whether they are inside the government or not, and regardless of their social status, will set aside small differences to embrace the broad goals of this citizens' movement. Together we can work for major changes in Chinese society and for the rapid establishment of a free, democratic, and constitutional country. We can bring to reality the goals and ideals that our people have incessantly been seeking for more than a hundred years, and can bring a brilliant new chapter to Chinese civilization.
Charter 08 signed by:
Yu Haocheng(Beijing, Jurist) Zhang Sizhi(Beijing, Lawyer) Mao Yushi(Beijing, Economist) (Du Guang(Beijing, Political Scientist) Li Pu(Beijing, Ex Vice-director Xinhua News Agency) Liu Shahe( Sichuan, Poet)
Sha Yexin(Shanghai, Dramatist) Wu Maohua(Sichuan, Writer) Zhang Xianyang(Beijing, Thinker) Sun Wenguang( Shandong, Professor) Bao Tong(Beijing, Citizen)
Ding Zilin(Beijing, Professor) Zhang Xianling(Beijing, Engineer) Xu Jue(Beijing, Researcher)
Jiang Peikun( Beijing, Professor) Liu Xiaobo(Beijing, Writer) Zhang Zuhua(Beijing, Scholar) Gao Yu(Beijing, Journalist)
Dai Qing(Beijing, Writer) Jiang Qisheng(Beijing, Scholar) Ai Xiaoming(Guangzhou, Professor) Liu Junning(Beijing, Political Scientist) Zhang Xukun(Zhejiang, Professor) Xu Youyu(Beijing, Philosopher) He Weifang( Beijing, Jurist) Mo Shaoping(Beijing, Lawyer) Chen Ziming(Beijing, Scholar) Zhang Boshu(Beijing, Political Scientist) Cui Weiping(Beijing, Scholar) He Guanghu(Beijing, Religion Scholar) Hao Jian(Beijing, Scholar) Shen Minhua( Zhejiang, Professor) Li Datong(Beijing, Journalist) Su Xianting(Beijing, Art Critic) Zhang Ming(Beijing, Professor) Yu Jie(Beijing, Writer) Yu Shicun(Beijing, Writer) Qin Geng(Hainan, Writer)
Zhou Duo(Beijing, Scholar) Pu Zhiqiang(Beijing, Lawyer) Zhao Dagong(Beijing, Writer) Yao Lifa( Hubei, Election expert) Feng Zhenghu(Shanghai, Scholar) Zhou Qing(Beijing, Writer) Yang Hengjun(Guangzhou, Writer) Teng Biao( Beijing, Lecturer) Jiang Danwen(Shanghai, Writer) Wei SeTibet, Writer Ma Bo( Beijing, Writer) Cha Jianying(Beijing, Writer) Hu Fayun(Hubei, Writer) Jiao Guobiao(Beijing, Scholar) Li Gongming(Guangdong, Professor) Zhao Hui(Beijing, Critic) Li Baiguang(Beijing, Lawyer) Fu Guoyong(Zhejiang, Writer) Ma Shaofang(Guangdong, Businessman) Zhang Hong (Shanghai, Professor) Xia Yeliang(Beijing, Economist) Ran Yunfei(Sichuan, Scholar) Liao Yiwu(Sichuan, Writer) Wang Yi( Sichuan, Scholar)
Wang Xiaoyu(Shanghai, Scholar) Su Yuanzhen(Zhejiang, Professor) Qiang Jianzhong(Nanjing, Senior Journalist) Ouyang Xiaorong(Yunnan, Poet) Liu Di(Beijing, Self-empolyed) Zan Aizong(Zhejiang, Journalist) Zhou Hongling(Beijing, Social Activist) ( ) Feng Gang (Zhejiang, Professor) Chen Lin( Guangzhou, Scholar) Yin Xian(Gansu, Poet) Zhou Ming(Zhejiang, Professor) Ling Cangzhou(Beijing, Journalist) Tie Liu(Beijing, Writer) Chen Fengxiao (Shandong, Rightist ) Yao Bo( Beijing, Critic) Zhang Jinjun(Guangdong, Professional manager) Li Jianhong( Shanghai, Writer) Zhang Shanguang(Hunan, Human rights Defender) Li Deming(Hunan Media Worker) Liu Jianan (Hunan, Teacher) Wang Xiaoshan(Beijing, Media worker) Fan Yafeng(Beijing, Scholar) Zhou Mingchu( Zhejiang, Professor) Liang Xiaoyan(Beijing, Enviromental Volunteer)
Xu Xiao(Beijing, Writer) Chen Xi(Guizhou, Human rights Defender) Zhao Cheng(Shanxi, Scholar) Li Yuanlong(Guizhou, Freelance Writer) Shen Youlian(Guizhou, Human rights Defender) Jiang Suimin(Beijing, Engineer) Lu Zhongming(Shanxi, Scholar) Meng Huang(Beijing, Painter) Lin Fuwu(Fujian, Human rights Defender) Liao Shuangyuan(Guizhou, Human rights Defender) Lu Xuesong(Jilin, Teacher) Guo Yushan( Beijing, Scholar) Chen Huanhui(Fujian, Human rights Defender) Zhu Jiuhu(Beijing, Lawyer) Jin GuangHong(Beijing, Lawyer) Gao Chaoqun(Beijing, Editor) Bai Feng(Jilin, Poet) Zheng Xuguang(Beijing, Scholar) Zeng Jinyan(Beijing, Rights Defender) Wu Yuqin(Guizhou, Human rights Defender) Du Yilong(Shanxi, Writer) Li Hai(Beijing, Human Rights Defender) Zhang Hui(Shanxi, Democratic Activist) Jiangshan( Guangdong, Rights Defender)
Xu Guoqing(Guizhou, Democratic Activist) Wu Yu(Guizhou, Democratic Activist) Zhang Mingzhen(Guizhou, Democratic Activist) Zeng Ning(Guizhou, Democratic Activist)
Quan Linzhi(Guizhou, Democratic Activist) Ye Hang(Zhejiang, Professor) Ma YunlongHenan, Scholar Zhu Jianguo(Guangdong, Writer)
Li Tie( Guangdong, Democratic Activist) Mo Jiangang(Guizhou, Freelance writer) Zhang Yaojie(Beijing, Scholar) Wu Baojian(Zhejiang, Lawyer)
Yang Guang(Guangxi, Scholar) Yu Meisun( Beijing,Legal worker) Xing Jian(Beijing, Legal Worker) Wang Guangze(Beijing, Social Activist) Chen Shaohua(Guangdong, Designer) Liu Yiming(Hubei, Freelance Writer) Wu Zuolai(Beijing, Researcher) Gao Zhen(Shandong, Artist) Gao Qiang(Shandong, Artist) Tang Jingling(Guangzhou, Lawyer) Li Xiaolong(Guangxi, Rights Defender) Jing Chu(Guangxi, Freelance Writer)
Li Biao(Anhui, Businessman) Guo Yan(Guangzhou, Lawyer) Yang ShiyuanZhejiang, Rightist Yang Kuanxing(Shandong, Writer) Li Jinfang(Hebei, Democratic Activist) Wang Yuwen(Guizhou, Poet)
Yang Zhongyi(Anhui, Worker) Wu Xinyuan (Hebei, Farmer) Du Heping(Guizhou, Democratic Activist) Feng Ling(Hubei, Democratic Activist) Zhang Xianzhong(Hubei, Entrepreneur) ( ) Cai Jingzhong(Guangdong, Farmer) Wang DianbinHubei, Entrepreneur ( ) Cai Jincai(Guangdong, Farmer) Gao Aiguo(Hubei, Entrepreneur) ( ) Chen Zhanyao(Guangdong,Farmer) He Wenkai(Hubei, Entrepreneur) Wu Dangying(Shanghai, Rights Defender) ( ) Zeng Qingbin(Guangdong,Worker) Mao Haixiu(Shanghai, Rights Defender) Zhuang DaoheHangzhou, Lawyer Li Xiongbing (Beijing, Lawyer) Li Renke(Guizhou, Democratic Activist) Zuo Li (Hebei, Lawyer)
Dong Dez(Guizhou, Democratic Activist) Tao Yuping(Guizhou, Democratic Activist) ITWang Junxiu(Beijing, IT Professional) Huang Xiaomin(Sichuan, Rights Defender) Zheng Enchong(Shanghai,Lawyer)
Zhang Junling(Shanghai, Rights Defender) Yang Hai( Shanxi, Scholar) Ai Furong(Shanghai, Rights Defender) Yang Huaren(Hubei, Legal Worker)
Wei Qin(Shanghai, Rights Defender) Su Zuxiang(Hubei, Teacher) Shen Yulian(Shanghai, Rights Defender) Guan Hongshan(Hubei, Human Rights Defender) Song Xianke(Guangdong, Businessman)
Wang Guoqiang(Hubei, Human Rights Defender) Wang Debang(Beijing, Writer) Chen Enjuan(Shanghai, Rights Defender) Li Yong(Beijing, Media worker)
Chang Xiongfa(Shanghai, Rights Defender) Wang Jinglong(Beijing, Scholar) Xu Zhengqing(Shanghai, Rights Defender) Gao Junsheng(Shanxi, Editor)
Zheng Beibei(Shanghai, Rights Defender) Wang Dinghua(Hubei, Lawyer)
Tan Lanying(Shanghai, Rights Defender) Fan Yanqiong(Fujian, Human Rights Defender) Lin Hui(Zhejiang, Poet) Wu Huaying(Fujian, Human Rights Defender) Xue Zhenbiao(Zhejiang, Democratic Activist) Dong Guoqing(Shanghai, Human Rights Defender) Chen Yufeng(Hubei, Legal Worker) Duan Ruofei(Shanghai, Human Rights Defender) Wang Zhongling(Shanxi, Teacher) Dong Chunhua(Shanghai, Human Rights Defender) Chen Xiuqin(Shanghai, Human Rights Defender) Gu Chuan(Beijing, Journalist) Liu Zhengyou(Sichuan, Rights Defender) Ma Xiao(Beijing, Writer) Wan Yanhai(Beijing, Public Health Expert) Shen Peilan Shanghai, Rights Defender Ye Xiaogang(Zhejiang, retired Lecturer) Zhang Jingsong(Anhui, Worker) Zhang Jinfa(Zhejiang, Rightist) Wang liqing(Shanghai, Rights Defender) Zhao Changqing( Shanxi, Writer) Jin Yuehua(Shanghai, Rights Defender) Yu Zhangfa(Guangxi, Writer) Chen Qiyong(Shanghai, Rights Defender)
Liu Xianbin(Sichuan, Democratic Activist) Ouyang Yi (Sichuan, Human Rights Defender) Deng Huanwu(Chongqing, Businessman) He Weihua(Hunan, Democratic Activist) ITLi Dongzhuo(Hunan, IT professional) Tian Yongde(Inner Mongolia, Human Rights Defender) Zhi Xiaomin(Shanxi, Scholar) Li Changyu(Shandong, Teacher) Zhu Jianguo(Guangdong, Freelance Writer) Guo Weidong(Zhejiang, Clerk) Chen Wei(Sichuan, Democratic Activist) Wang Jinan(Hubei, Entrepreneur) Cha Wenjun(Shanghai, Rights Defender) Hou Shuming(Hubei, Entrepreneur) Liu Hannan(Hubei, Human Rights Defender) Shi Ruoping(Shandong, Professor) Zhang renxiang(Hubei, Human Rights Defender) Ye Du(Guangdong, Editor) Xia Gang(Hubei, Human Rights Defender) Zhao Guoliang(Hunan,Democratic Activist) Li Zhiying(Beijing, Social Activist) Zhang Chongfa(Guizhou, Democratic Activist) Chen Yongmiao(Beijing, Lawyer) Jiang Ying(Tianjin, Poet)
Tian Zuxiang(Guizhou, Democratic Activist) Huang Zhijia(Hubei,Public Servant) Guan Yebo(Hubei, Public Servant) Wang Wangming(Hubei, Entrepreneur) Gao Xinrui(Hubei, Entrepreneur)
Song Shuiquan(Hubei, Legal Worker) Zhao Jingzhou(Heilongjiang, Human Rights Defender) Wen Kejian(Zhejiang, Scholar) Wei Wenying(Yunan, Teacher) Chen Huijuan(Heilongjiang, Human Rights Defender) Chen Yanxiong(Hubei, Teacher) Duan Chunfang(Shanghai, Human Rights Defender) Liu Zhengshan(Yunnan, Engineer) Guan Min(Hubei, Lecturer) Dai Yuanlong(Fujian, Entrepreneur) Yu Yiwei(Guangdong, Freelance Writer) ) Han Zurong(Fujian, Entrepreneur) Wang Dingliang( Hubei, Lawyer) Chen Qinglin(Beijing, Human Rights Defender) Qian Shishun(Guangdong, Entrepreneur) Zeng Boyan(Sichuan, Writer) Ma Yalian(Shanghai, Human Rights Defender) Che Hongnian(Shandong, Freelance Writer) Qin Zhigang(Shandong, Engineer)
Song Xiangfeng(Hubei, Teacher) Deng Fuhua(Hubei, Writer) Xu Kang(Hubei, Public servant) Li Jianqiang( Shandong, Lawyer) Li Renbing(Beijing, Lawyer)
Qiu Meili(Shanghai, Rights Defender) ) Lan Zhixue(Beijing, Lawyer) Zhou Jinchang(Zhejiang, Rightist) Huang YanmingGuizhou, Democratic Activist Liu Wei(Beijing, Lawyer)
Yan Liehan(Hubei, Entrepreneur) Chen Defu(Guizhou, Democratic Activist) Guo Yongxin(Hubei, Doctor) Guo Yongfeng(Guangdong,Rights Defender) Yuan Xinting(Guangzhou, Editor) Qi Huimin(Zhejiang, Democratic Activist) Li Yu(Sichuan, Editor) Xie Fulin(Hunan, Human Rights Defender) Xu Guang(Zhejiang, Entrepreneur) Ye Huo(Guangdong, Freelance Writer) Zou Wei(Zhejiang, Rights Defender) Xiao Linbin(Zhejiang, Engineer) Gao Haibing(Zhejiang, Democratic Activist) , Tian Qizhuang (Hebei, Writer)
Deng Taiqing(Shanxi, Democratic Activist) , Pei Hongxin(Hebei, Teacher) ,Xu Min(Jilin, Legal worker) ,Li Xige(Henan, Rights Defender)
, Feng QiuSheng(Guangdong, Farmer) ,Hou Wenbao( Anhui, Rights Defender) Tang Jitian(Beijing, Lawyer) Liu Rongchao( Anhui, Farmer)
Li Tianxiang(Henan,worker) Cui Yuzhen(Hebei, Lawyer) Xu Maolian(Anhui, Farmer) Zhai Linhua(Anhui, Teacher) Tao Xiaoxia(Anhui, Farmer) Zhang Wang(Fujian, Worker) Huang Dachuan(Liaoning, Clerk) Chen Xiaoyuan (Hainan, Clerk) Zhang Jiankang (Shaanxi, Law worker) Zhang Xingshui (Beijing, Lawyer)
Ma Gangquan (Beijing, Lawyer) Wang Jinxiang (Hubei, Rights Defender) Wang Jiaying (Hubei, Entrepreneur) Yan Laiyun (Hubei, Entrepreneur) Li Xiaoming (Hubei, Rights Defender) Xiao Shuixiang (Hubei, Rights Defender)
Yan Yuxiang (Hubei, Rights Defender) Liu Yi (Beijing, Painter) Zhang Zhengxiang (Yunnan,Environmentalist)
Liu Xiaobo foi laureado pelo Prémio Nobel da Paz de 2010, é crítico literário, escritor, professor, intelectual e activista pelos direitos humanos e por reformas políticas e democráticas, bem como o respeito pelos elementares direitos humanos, na República Popular da China, e encontra-se preso desde 8 de Dezembro de 2008, quando foi detido em resposta à sua participação na assinatura da "Carta 08".
Liu Xiaobo foi formalmente preso em 23 de Junho de 2009 sob a acusação de "incitar à subversão contra o poder do Estado".
Foi acusado pelos mesmos motivos em 23 de Dezembro do mesmo ano e condenado a 11 anos de prisão em 25 de Dezembro.
A sua prisão mais não é do que a resposta de intolerância e repressão das autoridades chinesas.
No próximo dia 28 de Dezembro: Liu Xiaobo celebra o seu 56º aniversário.
Nós não o podemos esquecer!
Como devem saber o Governo Português anunciou no passado dia 22 de Dezembro que a empresa estatal chinesa Three Gorges foram os escolhidos para comprar a posição de 21,35% do Estado português na companhia nacional eléctrica portuguesa EDP.
Ora, no próximo dia 28 de Dezembro Liu Xiaobo, celebra a sua data de aniversário, fazendo 56 anos.
Liu Xiaobo foi laureado pelo Prémio Nobel da Paz de 2010, é crítico literário, escritor, professor, intelectual e activista pelos direitos humanos e por reformas na República Popular da China, e encontra-se preso desde 8 de Dezembro de 2008, quando foi detido em resposta à sua participação na assinatura da "Carta 08".
Liu Xiaobo foi formalmente preso em 23 de Junho de 2009 sob a acusação de "incitar à subversão contra o poder do Estado".
Foi acusado pelos mesmos motivos em 23 de Dezembro do mesmo ano e condenado a 11 anos de prisão em 25 de Dezembro.
Os activistas portugueses não podem deixar passar esta data, de 28 de Dezembro próximo, sem assinalar e manifestar a sua indignação pela prisão por mero "delito de opinião" de Liu Xiaobo.
Assim sendo, convidamos todos os portugueses e activistas dos direitos humanos, a concentrarem no próximo dia 28 de Dezembro, pelas 16 horas, em frente à sede da EDP - Energias de Portugal, S.A. Sociedade, na Praça Marquês de Pombal, n.º 12, em Lisboa.
Na ocasião será feita a entrega na EDP do documento "Eu não tenho inimigos", da autoria da Liu Xiaobo, a sua defesa no tribunal que o condenou à prisão e que foi lido por Liv Ullmann na Cerimónia de entrega do Prémio Nobel da Paz, a 10 de Dezembro de 2010, em Oslo, na ausência de Lio Xiaobo.
Depois de entregue o documento seguirá uma vigilia no local, das pessoas presentes, até às 22 horas e 30 minutos.
https://www.facebook.com/Free.Liu#!/events/269162006473837/
“Carta 08”
9 de Dezembro de 2008.:
I. Preâmbulo:
Este ano marca os 100 anos da primeira Constituição da China, o 60.º aniversário da promulgação da Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos, o 30.º aniversário do nascimento do Muro da Democracia e do 10.º ano desde que o governo chinês assinou o Pacto Internacional sobre os Direitos Civis e Políticos.
Tendo experimentado um período prolongado de desastres de direitos humanos e lutas desafiadoras e tortuosas, os cidadãos chineses estão despertando cada vez mais conscientes de que os direitos da liberdade, da igualdade e os direitos humanos são valores universais compartilhados por toda a Humanidade e que, a democracia, o republicanismo e o governo constitucional compõem a estrutura básica institucional da política moderna.
A "modernização" desprovida desses valores universais, neste quadro político básico, é um processo desastroso que priva as pessoas dos seus direitos, que apodrece a sua humanidade e destrói a sua dignidade.
Para onde está indo na China do século 21?
Será que vai continuar com esta "modernização" sob o regime autoritário, ou vai endossar valores universais, juntar-se à civilização dominante e construir uma forma democrática de governo?
Esta é uma decisão inevitável.
As tremendas mudanças históricas dos meados do século 19 expuseram a decadência do sistema tradicional chinês autocrático e definiram o cenário para a maior transformação que a China tinha visto em vários milhares de anos.
O Movimento de Auto-Fortalecimento [1861-1895] procurou melhorias na capacidade técnica da China através da aquisição de técnicas de fabricação e o conhecimento científico e tecnologias militares do Ocidente, a derrota da China na Guerra Sino-Japonesa primeiro [1894-1895], mais uma vez expôs a obsolescência do seu sistema; a Reforma dos Cem Dias [1898] tocou em cima da área de inovação institucional, mas terminou em fracasso devido à supressão cruel pela facção die-hard [na corte Qing].
A Revolução Xinhai [1911], na superfície, enterrou o sistema imperial que durou mais de 2.000 anos e estabeleceu primeira república da Ásia.
Mas, devido às circunstâncias históricas particulares de problemas internos e externos, o sistema republicano de governo foi de curta duração e a autocracia fez um retorno.
O fracasso da imitação técnica e renovação institucional solicitou uma profunda reflexão entre os nossos compatriotas sobre a causa raiz da doença cultural da China e do que se seguiu ao Quatro de Maio [1919] e os Movimentos Nova Cultura [1915-1921], sob a bandeira da "ciência e da democracia".
Mas o curso de democratização política da China foi violentamente interrompida devido a frequentes guerras civis e invasões estrangeiras.
O processo de um governo constitucional começou novamente após a vitória da China na Guerra de Resistência contra o Japão [1937-1945], mas o resultado da guerra civil entre nacionalistas e os comunistas mergulharam China para o abismo do moderno totalitarismo.
A "Nova China" criada em 1949 é uma "república popular" no nome, mas na realidade é um "domínio do partido."
O partido governante monopoliza todos os recursos políticos, económicos e sociais.
Ela criou uma série de desastres de direitos humanos, tais como a Campanha Anti-direitista, o Grande Salto em Frente, a Revolução Cultural, Junho Quarto, a supressão de actividades religiosas não-oficiais e dos movimento de defesa dos direitos, fazendo dezenas de milhões de mortes e um exigente e um desastroso preço tanto do povo e como do país.
A "reforma e abertura" do final do século 20 retirou a China da pobreza generalizada e do totalitarismo absoluto da era Mao Zedong, aumentou substancialmente a riqueza privada e o nível de vida das pessoas comuns.
A liberdade económica individual e os privilégios sociais foram parcialmente restaurados, uma sociedade civil começou a crescer e exigiu que os direitos humanos e a liberdade política entre o povo aumentasse a cada dia.
Quem está no poder, enquanto implementava as reformas económicas que visam à mercantilização e a privatização, também começou a mudar a partir de uma primeira posição de rejeição de direitos humanos para aos poucos começar a reconhecê-los.
Em 1997 e 1998, o governo chinês assinou dois importantes tratados internacionais dos direitos humanos.
Em 2004, o Congresso Nacional do Povo emendou a Constituição para acrescentar que "[o Estado] respeita e garante os direitos humanos."
E este ano, o governo prometeu formular e implementar um "Plano Nacional de Acção de Direitos Humanos."
Mas até agora, este progresso político tem permanecido no papel: há leis, mas não há Estado-de-Direito, não há uma Constituição e nenhum Governo Constitucional, o que é e continua a ser a realidade política e o que é óbvio para todos.
A elite dominante continua a insistir nas suas garras autoritárias no poder, rejeitando a reforma política.
Isto causou a corrupção oficial, a dificuldade em estabelecer regra de direito, a ausência dos direitos humanos, a falência moral, a polarização social, o desenvolvimento económico anormal, a destruição, tanto do ambiente natural como cultural.
Sem a protecção institucionalizada dos direitos dos cidadãos à liberdade, à propriedade e à busca da felicidade, levam à acumulação constante de todos os tipos de conflitos sociais e ao aumento contínuo de ressentimento e, em particular, a intensificação do antagonismo entre o governo e o povo e o aumento dramático em incidentes de massa, indicam uma perda catastrófica do controle, sugerindo que o atraso do sistema actual chegou a um ponto onde a mudança deve ocorrer.
II. Os Nossos Conceitos Fundamentais:
Neste momento histórico que irá decidir o destino futuro da China, é necessário reflectir sobre o processo de modernização dos cem anos já passados e reafirmar os seguintes conceitos:
Liberdade: A liberdade está no cerne de valores universais.
Os direitos de expressão, publicação, crença, reunião, associação, movimento de greve, de protesto e de manifestação, são todas as expressões concretas da liberdade. Onde a liberdade não floresce, não há civilização moderna para falar.
Direitos Humanos: Os direitos humanos não são concedidos por um Estado, são direitos inerentes usufruídos por cada pessoa.
A garantia dos direitos humanos é tanto o objectivo mais importante de um governo e da fundação da legitimidade da sua autoridade pública, é também a exigência intrínseca da política de "colocar as pessoas em primeiro lugar."
Sucessivos desastres políticos da China têm sido intimamente relacionados com o desrespeito pelos direitos humanos pelo poder estabelecido.
As pessoas são o esteio de uma nação, uma nação serve ao seu povo; o governo existe para o povo.
Igualdade: A integridade, dignidade e liberdade de cada indivíduo, independentemente do status social, sexo, ocupação, circunstâncias económicas, etnia, cor da pele, religião ou crença política, são iguais.
Os princípios da igualdade perante a lei para cada pessoa e na igualdade dos direitos sociais, económicos, culturais e políticos de todos os cidadãos devem ser implementadas.
Republicanismo: republicanismo é "o conjunto por todos os que regem a convivência pacífica", isto é, a separação dos poderes de freios e contrapesos e a ponderação dos interesses, isto é, uma comunidade que inclui muitos interesses diversos, diferentes grupos sociais, e uma pluralidade de culturas e crenças, buscando pacificamente lidar com os assuntos públicos com base na igualdade de participação, a concorrência leal e a discussão conjunta.
Democracia: O significado mais fundamental é que a soberania reside no povo e do governo eleito pelo povo.
A democracia tem as seguintes características básicas: (1) A legitimidade do poder político emana do povo, a fonte do poder político é o povo. (2) O controle político é exercido através de escolhas feitas pelo povo. (3) Os cidadãos gozam do direito real de voto; os funcionários em posições chave em todos os níveis de governo devem ser o produto de eleições em intervalos regulares. (4) Respeito pelas decisões da maioria, protegendo os direitos humanos básicos da minoria.
Em uma palavra, a democracia é o instrumento moderno pública para a criação de um governo "do povo, pelo povo e para o povo."
Constitucionalismo: Constitucionalismo é o princípio de garantir as liberdades e os direitos fundamentais dos cidadãos, tal como definido pela Constituição, através de disposições legais e do Estado-de-Direito, limitando e definindo os limites do poder do governo e da sua conduta, e fornecendo a capacidade institucional adequada para realizá-la. Na China, a era do poder imperial há muito desapareceu, para nunca mais voltar; no mundo em geral, o sistema autoritário está em declínio; os cidadãos devem se tornar os verdadeiros mestres de seus Estados.
A maneira fundamental para a China deve encontrar-se na eliminação da noção de dependência subserviente aos "governantes esclarecidos" e dos "funcionários de pé," promovendo a consciência pública dos direitos fundamentais e a participação como um dever, pondo em prática a liberdade, a prática de democracia e respeitando a lei.
III. As Nossas Posições Básicas:
Assim, no espírito de cidadãos responsáveis e construtivos, estendem as seguintes posições específicas sobre vários aspectos da administração do Estado, dos direitos e interesses dos cidadãos e no desenvolvimento social:
1. Emenda Constitucional: Com base nos valores acima mencionados e conceitos, alterar a Constituição, suprimindo cláusulas na Constituição actual que não estão em conformidade com o princípio de que a soberania reside no povo, para que a Constituição se torne realmente um documento que garante os direitos humanos e permite o exercício do poder público, e tornando-se a lei suprema e aplicável que nenhum indivíduo, grupo ou partido pode violar, que institui a fundação da autoridade legal para democratizar China.
2. Separação de poderes e freios e contrapesos: Construir um governo moderno que separa os poderes e mantém freios e contrapesos entre eles, que garante a separação dos poderes legislativo, judiciário e executivo.
Estabelecer o princípio da administração legal e um governo responsável, para evitar a expansão excessiva do poder executivo; o governo deve ser responsável para os contribuintes; estabelecer o sistema de separação de poderes e freios e contrapesos entre os governos central e local, o poder central tem de ser claramente definidos e mandatado pela Constituição e as localidades devem exercer plena autonomia.
3. A democracia legislativa: Os órgãos legislativos em todos os níveis devem ser criados por meio de eleições directas; manter o princípio de equidade e justiça na tomada de lei e implementar a democracia legislativa.
4. Independência Judicial: O poder Judiciário deve transcender o partidarismo, ser livre de qualquer interferência, ser exercido com independência judicial e garantir a justiça judicial, devendo ser criado um Tribunal Constitucional e um sistema para investigar as violações da Constituição e defender a autoridade da Constituição.
Abolir o mais rapidamente possível do Partido as Comissões de Assuntos Políticos e Legislativos em todos os níveis que comprometem seriamente regra do país de direito. Evitar o uso privado de instrumentos públicos.
5. Uso público de instrumentos públicos: Trazer as forças armadas sob controle estatal. Os militares devem processar a fidelidade à Constituição e ao país. As organizações dos partidos políticos devem retirar-se das forças armadas; elevar o nível profissional das forças armadas.
Todos os funcionários públicos, incluindo a polícia devem manter a neutralidade política. Abolir a discriminação na contratação de funcionários públicos com base na filiação partidária e devendo haver igualdade na contratação, independentemente da filiação partidária.
6. Garantias de Direitos Humanos: Garantia de direitos humanos a sério; proteger a dignidade humana. Criar uma Comissão de Direitos Humanos, responsável perante o órgão máximo da vontade popular, para evitar abusos do governo da autoridade pública e as violações dos direitos humanos, e, principalmente, para garantir a liberdade pessoal dos cidadãos. Ninguém deve sofrer prisão ilegal, detenção, intimação, interrogatório ou punição. Abolir o sistema de Reeducação pelo trabalho.
7. Eleição dos Funcionários Públicos: Uma pessoa um voto, implementar o sistema de eleições democráticas para realizar os direitos de voto iguais com base na sistemática e progressivamente as eleições directas dos chefes administrativos em todos os níveis. As eleições regulares baseadas na livre concorrência e participação dos cidadãos nas eleições para cargos públicos são inalienáveis leis dos direitos humanos básicos.
8. Igualdade Urbano-Rural: Abolir a corrente urbano-rural de duas camadas bem como o sistema de registro de casa, para ser realizado efectivamente o direito constitucional de igualdade perante a lei para todos os cidadãos e garantir o direito dos cidadãos de circularem livremente.
9. Liberdade de Associação: O direito dos cidadãos de garantia à liberdade de associação. Alterar o actual sistema de registo da aprovação para grupos da comunidade para um sistema de mera manutenção de registos. Levantar a proibição de criação dos partidos políticos. Regular as actividades dos partidos nos termos da Constituição e da lei; abolir o privilégio de monopólio do partido único no poder; estabelecer os princípios da liberdade de actividades dos partidos políticos e de concorrência leal para os partidos políticos; normalizar e regular legalmente a política partidária.
10. Liberdade de reunião: Liberdades para demonstrar de forma pacífica, passear, demonstrar e expressar [opiniões] são as liberdades fundamentais dos cidadãos previstos na Constituição, não devendo tal estar sujeita a interferências ilegais e inconstitucionais restrições pelo partido no poder e o governo.
11. Liberdade de Expressão: Realizar a liberdade de expressão, liberdade de publicar, e liberdade académica; garantir o direito dos cidadãos à informação e o direito de fiscalização das instituições públicas. Aprovar uma "Lei de Notícias" e uma "Lei Publishing," levantar a proibição de apresentação de relatórios, revogar o "crime de incitação à subversão do poder estatal" da Lei Penal vigente e colocar um fim ao crime e à punição da liberdade discurso.
12. Liberdade de Religião: Garantir a liberdade de religião e a liberdade de crença, implementar a separação entre religião e Estado, para que as actividades envolvendo a religião e a fé não estejam sujeitas à interferência do governo. Examinar e revogar os estatutos administrativos, normas administrativas e os estatutos locais que restringem ou privam os cidadãos da liberdade religiosa; fim da gestão e da proibição de actividades religiosas pela legislação administrativa. Abolir o sistema que exige que os grupos religiosos (inclusive locais de culto) tenham de obter a aprovação prévia do seu estatuto jurídico ou dos seus registos, sendo substituídos por um sistema de manutenção de registos que não requer nenhum escrutínio.
13. Educação cívica: Abolir a educação política e os exames políticos que são pesados na ideologia e no serviço do Estado de Partido único. Popularizar a educação cívica baseada em valores universais e nos direitos civis, estabelecer a consciência cívica e defender as virtudes cívicas em servir a sociedade.
14. Protecção da Propriedade: Estabelecer e proteger os direitos de propriedade privada, implementar um sistema baseado numa economia de mercado livre e aberta; garantir a liberdade empresarial, eliminar os monopólios administrativos; criar um Comité de Gestão da propriedade do Estado, responsável perante o órgão máximo da vontade popular; lançamento da reforma dos direitos de propriedade de uma forma legal e ordenada, esclarecer a titularidade dos direitos de propriedade e os seus titulares; lançar um movimento de novas terras, procede à privatização da terra com antecedência, garantir a sério os direitos de propriedade à terra aos cidadãos, particularmente os agricultores.
15. Reforma fiscal: Democratizar as finanças públicas e garantir os direitos dos contribuintes ". Configurar o mecanismo de estrutura e funcionamento de um sistema de finanças públicas com autoridade e responsabilidades claramente definidas, e estabelecer um sistema racional e eficaz de autoridade financeira descentralizada entre os diversos níveis de governo; realizar uma grande reforma do sistema fiscal, de forma a reduzir taxas de impostos, simplificar o sistema tributário e equalizar a carga tributária. Os departamentos administrativos não devem aumentar os impostos ou criar novos impostos à vontade, sem sanção por parte da sociedade e obtidos através de um processo público electivo e por meio da resolução pelos órgãos de vontade popular. Aprovar a reforma dos direitos de propriedade para diversificar e introduzir mecanismos de concorrência no mercado; diminuir o limiar para a entrada no campo financeiro e criar condições para o desenvolvimento de empresas de propriedade privada financeiros, e agilizar totalmente o sistema financeiro.
16. Segurança Social: Estabelecer um sistema de segurança social que abranja todos os cidadãos e lhes forneça a segurança básica na educação, os cuidados médicos, cuidados para os idosos e no emprego.
17. Protecção Ambiental: Protecção do ambiente ecológico, promover o desenvolvimento sustentável e assumir a responsabilidade para as gerações futuras e de toda a humanidade; esclarecer as responsabilidades e impor apropriadamente que o Estado e o Governo e os funcionários em todos os níveis devem tomar para esse efeito, promover a participação e supervisão de grupos da sociedade civil na protecção ambiental.
18. Republica Federal: Participar na manutenção da paz e do desenvolvimento regionais com uma atitude de igualdade e justiça, e criar uma imagem de uma grande potência responsável. Proteger os sistemas livres de Hong Kong e Macau. Partindo da premissa de liberdade e democracia, procurar um plano de reconciliação para o Continente e Taiwan, através de negociações igual e interacção cooperativa. Sabiamente explorar caminhos possíveis e projectos institucionais para a prosperidade comum de todos os grupos étnicos, e estabelecer a República Federal da China no quadro de um governo democrático e constitucional.
19. Justiça Transicional: Restaurar a reputação de indemnização estatal e dar aos indivíduos, bem como suas famílias, que sofreram a perseguição política durante os últimos movimentos políticos; libertar todos os presos políticos e prisioneiros de consciência; libertar todas as pessoas condenadas por suas crenças; estabelecer uma Comissão para Investigação para encontrar a verdade dos acontecimentos históricos, determinar a responsabilidade e defender a justiça; buscar a reconciliação social sobre esta fundação.
IV. Conclusão:
A China, como uma grande nação do mundo, um dos cinco membros permanentes do Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas, e um membro do Conselho de Direitos Humanos, devem fazer a sua própria contribuição para a paz para a humanidade e para o progresso nos direitos humanos.
Lamentavelmente, porém, de todas as grandes nações do mundo de hoje, a China sozinha ainda se apega a uma forma autoritária de vida e tem, como resultado, criado uma cadeia ininterrupta de desastres de direitos humanos e crises sociais, deteve o desenvolvimento dos chineses e das pessoas, e impediu o progresso da civilização humana. Esta situação tem de mudar!
Não podemos adiar reformas democráticas e políticas por mais tempo. Portanto, no espírito cívico de ousar agir, estamos a emitir a "Carta 08".
Esperamos que todos os cidadãos chineses que compartilham este sentimento de crise, tomando a missão e a responsabilidade, os funcionários ou pessoas comuns e independentemente da sua origem social, coloquem de lado as diferenças e procurem um terreno comum e venham a tomar parte activa no movimento de cidadãos, para promoverem a grande transformação da sociedade chinesa em conjunto, para que possamos em breve estabelecer uma nação livre, democrática e constitucional, cumprindo as aspirações e sonhos que nossos compatriotas têm buscado incansavelmente por mais de uma centena de anos.
(Tradução por Sérgio Passos)