Ideias e poesias, por mim próprio.
Segunda-feira, 30 de Dezembro de 2013
Ano novo, vida nova.

O evento ou festejo "Ano Novo" só devia ser celebrado, quanto muito, no meu modesto ver, ao fim de um período completo de sete anos.

Confesso, conforme penso já há alguns anos e o que tenho como aceite, baseado em dados revelados pela ciência, a minha noção de "ano novo, ou se quiserem de "vida nova", só o percebo e entendo segundo um período de tempo que se completa ao fim de, sensivelmente, 7 anos.

Ora, segundo alguns estudos científicos e o que foi já possível determinar, ao fim de cada período de sete anos completa-se toda uma nova geração de células em todo o corpo humano.

Ou seja, a cada 7 anos nós somos, física e organicamente, portanto toda a nossa estrutura, seres humanos completamente novos e distintos do que fomos até há 7 anos atrás.

Portanto, ao fim de cada novos 7 anos nos somos novos seres humanos. Afinal, parece que nós somos tão-somente clones ou recriações de nós mesmos. É certo, vamos envelhecendo, mudando lenta e gradualmente, mas no final nós somos um produto da vida que percorre dentro de nós mesmos.

Mas não só, também devíamos celebrar o "Ano Novo" e a "Vida Nova" quando a nossa vida verdadeiramente se revoluciona, ou dá uma reviravolta profunda, e que, por força e razão de modificações radicais, profundas, violentas ou súbitas, nos forçam a repensar e a colocar em ação a vida anterior para uma nova vida, ou seja, colocando-a de modo diametralmente oposto, e assim nos levando-nos a uma existência diversa da que tínhamos até ao momento imediatamente anterior.

Algo semelhante dá-se também, a meu ver, por exemplo, quando passamos a amar profunda e apaixonadamente uma nova pessoa. Isso também já sucedeu comigo, como sucede a tantos outros. Num destes casos pode-se entender igualmente que se ocasiona uma rutura, pelo que e em seu resultado passamos também a ser pessoas novas, física e espiritualmente.

No meu caso, como disse, os meus ciclos de vida dão-se, e não por coincidência, bem assim como produzem todas as demais e profundas mudanças, quando se alcançam, mais ou menos, somados sete anos.

E sempre que me conheço foi assim, portanto, de, mais ou menos, sete em sete anos, a minha vida muda. Tudo tem sempre mudado nesse tempo, é já algo por mim um dado adquirido, o que passei a aceitar sem resiliência ou drama.

Penso, sinceramente, que tudo o que se passou para trás no tempo, tal qual como de cada vez que se dão essas alterações, mais não é do que o produto de um contínuo processo de conhecimento e de amadurecimento pessoal. Logo, tenho de concluir, tudo na nossa vida está sempre em aberto e em constante mutação, jamais algo pode ser dado como terminado, não estamos sequer encerrados ou aprisionados em nós mesmos. Parar é morrer, viver é a maravilhosa caminhada no tempo, na vida e no espaço!

Mudar deve ser encarado tão naturalmente como é respirar e, jamais, devemos enfrentar a vida seja convencidos que somos imutáveis e, muito menos, que nada nos muda. A mudança pode e deve ser recebida como um benefício, um inestimável e incalculável valor de transformação, para melhor claro! E esta vida física não deve também ser nunca ser medida unicamente como um processo de princípio, meio e fim. Nós, como seres fundamentalmente espirituais como somos, devemos sempre, sem dramas nem tabus, adotar a vida como um processo permanente e infindável de modificações e mutações. E depois de morte física abre-se a seguir um novo processo infinito de mudanças, o nosso corpo e a nossa matéria vão-se juntar ao pó que corre no universo e a nossa alma irá reunir-se em paz ao grandioso espírito do Criador.

Simples!

Os dias do calendário são apenas dias de calendário. Calendários humanos há-os vários e diversos, já mudaram ao longo dos tempos e hão de voltar novamente a mudar. O que conta realmente somos nós mesmos, as nossas ideias, os nossos amores e as pessoas que amamos, a nossa família, os nossos amigos, a nossa comunidade, o nosso planeta e todas as suas espécies. É deles todos, sem exceção, que devemos cuidar, ao mesmo tempo é igualmente para eles quem devemos viver. A vida só serve mesmo ser vivida e para ser aceite grandiosamente como um processo de infinitas possibilidades, portanto, devendo ser gozada, sentida, amada e realizada sem complexos, sem entraves, sem tabus, sempre como um permanente processo de mutação de maravilhosas novidades e descobertas, de deslumbrantes novos conhecimentos.

A vida, por si, não tem mesmo nada de rotina! E mudar é conhecer.

Portanto, endereço para todos vós, no melhor momento que desejem, seja qual for o dia do ano, felizes e prósperas futuras vidas novas para todos! E que sejam sempre acompanhadas de enormes saúde, amor, esperança, paz e felicidade.

Um abraço, cuidem-se e que Deus vos proteja!

Mas, sobretudo e acima de todas as coisas, amem tudo e todos como a vida vos ama!

 



publicado por Sérgio Passos às 22:01
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Domingo, 29 de Dezembro de 2013
Orçamentos do Gabinete da Presidência do Conselho de Ministros.

Notam, por acaso, nestes anos todos, algum esforço mínimo ou sério de poupança por parte desta gentalha?

 

...

 

  



publicado por Sérgio Passos às 19:58
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Sábado, 28 de Dezembro de 2013
Orçamentos da Assembleia da República de 2006 a 2013.

 



publicado por Sérgio Passos às 22:57
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Free Liu Xiaobo, the Nobel Peace Price 2010 - Libertem Liu Xiaobo, o Prémio Nobel da Paz 2010!

in English:

 

Liu Xiaobo was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize 2010, is literary critic, writer, professor, intellectual and activist for human and political rights and democratic reform and respect for fundamental human rights in China, and finds be imprisoned since December 8, 2008, when he was detained in response to his participation in the signing of the "Charter 08".
Liu Xiaobo was formally arrested on June 23, 2009 on charges of "inciting subversion of state power".
Was charged for the same reasons on 23 December of the same year and sentenced to 11 years in prison on December 25.

Hoje, 28 de Dezembro de 2013, é o seu dia de aniversário.

Parabéns Liu Xiaobo!

His arrest is not more than the response of intolerance and repression by the Chinese authorities.

Shame on Popular Republic of China!

 

in Portuguese:

 

Liu Xiaobo foi laureado pelo Prémio Nobel da Paz de 2010, é crítico literário, escritor, professor, intelectual e activista pelos direitos humanos e por reformas políticas e democráticas, bem como o respeito pelos elementares direitos humanos, na República Popular da China, e encontra-se preso desde 8 de Dezembro de 2008, quando foi detido em resposta à sua participação na assinatura da "Carta 08".
Liu Xiaobo foi formalmente preso em 23 de Junho de 2009 sob a acusação de "incitar à subversão contra o poder do Estado".
Foi acusado pelos mesmos motivos em 23 de Dezembro do mesmo ano e condenado a 11 anos de prisão em 25 de Dezembro.

Today, December 28, 2013, is the anniversary of Liu Xiaobo.

Happy birthday to you, Liu Xiaobo!

A sua prisão mais não é do que a resposta de intolerância e repressão das autoridades chinesas.

Vergonha para a República Popular da China!

 

Documents - Documentos:

 

In English:

"I have no enemies." - The defense of Liu Xiaobo before the objections of the Chinese State, who condemned him to prison.

http://euacuso.blogs.sapo.pt/223824.html

 

Em português:

“Eu não tenho inimigos.” - A defesa de Liu Xiaobo perante as acusações do Estado Chinês, que o condenaram à prisão.

http://euacuso.blogs.sapo.pt/163813.html

 

Em inglês:

"Charter 08" - A letter ruging democratic reforms in China, by chinese intellectuals and democrats.

http://euacuso.blogs.sapo.pt/223551.html

 

Em português:

"Carta 08" - A carta pedindo a reforma democrática da China, pelos intelectuais e democratas chineses.

http://euacuso.blogs.sapo.pt/163498.html

 



publicado por Sérgio Passos às 14:56
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Liu Xiaobo: "I Have No Enemies".

Liu Xiaobo: I Have No Enemies.

 

His speech in court. (Read by Liv Ullmann at the Nobel Peace Prize award ceremony in Oslo, Dec. 10, 2010. Translation by HRIC.)

 

In the course of my life, for more than half a century, June 1989 was the major turning point. Up to that point, I was a member of the first class to enter university when college entrance examinations were reinstated following the Cultural Revolution (Class of ‘77). From BA to MA and on to PhD, my academic career was all smooth sailing. Upon receiving my degrees, I stayed on to teach at Beijing Normal University . As a teacher, I was well received by the students. At the same time, I was a public intellectual, writing articles and books that created quite a stir during the 1980s, frequently receiving invitations to give talks around the country, and going abroad as a visiting scholar upon invitation from Europe and America . What I demanded of myself was this: whether as a person or as a writer, I would lead a life of honesty, responsibility, and dignity. After that, because I had returned from the U.S. to take part in the 1989 Movement, I was thrown into prison for “the crime of counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement.” I also lost my beloved lectern and could no longer publish essays or give talks in China . Merely for publishing different political views and taking part in a peaceful democracy movement, a teacher lost his lectern, a writer lost his right to publish, and a public intellectual lost the opportunity to give talks publicly. This is a tragedy, both for me personally and for a China that has already seen thirty years of Reform and Opening Up.

When I think about it, my most dramatic experiences after June Fourth have been, surprisingly, associated with courts: My two opportunities to address the public have both been provided by trial sessions at the Beijing Municipal Intermediate People’s Court, once in January 1991, and again today. Although the crimes I have been charged with on the two occasions are different in name, their real substance is basically the same - both are speech crimes.

Twenty years have passed, but the ghosts of June Fourth have not yet been laid to rest. Upon release from Qincheng Prison in 1991, I, who had been led onto the path of political dissent by the psychological chains of June Fourth, lost the right to speak publicly in my own country and could only speak through the foreign media. Because of this, I was subjected to year-round monitoring, kept under residential surveillance (May 1995 to January 1996) and sent to Reeducation-Through-Labor (October 1996 to October 1999). And now I have been once again shoved into the dock by the enemy mentality of the regime. But I still want to say to this regime, which is depriving me of my freedom, that I stand by the convictions I expressed in my “June Second Hunger Strike Declaration” twenty years ago - I have no enemies and no hatred. None of the police who monitored, arrested, and interrogated me, none of the prosecutors who indicted me, and none of the judges who judged me are my enemies. Although there is no way I can accept your monitoring, arrests, indictments, and verdicts, I respect your professions and your integrity, including those of the two prosecutors, Zhang Rongge and Pan Xueqing, who are now bringing charges against me on behalf of the prosecution. During interrogation on December 3, I could sense your respect and your good faith.

Hatred can rot away at a person’s intelligence and conscience. Enemy mentality will poison the spirit of a nation, incite cruel mortal struggles, destroy a society’s tolerance and humanity, and hinder a nation’s progress toward freedom and democracy. That is why I hope to be able to transcend my personal experiences as i look upon our nation’s development and social change, to counter the regime’s hostility with utmost goodwill, and to dispel hatred with love.

Everyone knows that it was Reform and Opening Up that brought about our country’s development and social change. In my view, Reform and Opening Up began with the abandonment of the “using class struggle as guiding principle” government policy of the Mao era and, in its place, a commitment to economic development and social harmony. The process of abandoning the “philosophy of struggle” was also a process of gradual weakening of the enemy mentality and elimination of the psychology of hatred, and a process of squeezing out the “wolf’s milk” that had seeped into human nature. It was this process that provided a relaxed climate, at home and abroad, for Reform and Opening Up, gentle and humane grounds for restoring mutual affection among people and peaceful coexistence among those with different interests and values, thereby providing encouragement in keeping with humanity for the bursting forth of creativity and the restoration of compassion among our countrymen. One could say that relinquishing the “anti-imperialist and anti-revisionist” stance in foreign relations and “class struggle” at home has been the basic premise that has enabled Reform and Opening Up to continue to this very day. The market trend in the economy, the diversification of culture, and the gradual shift in social order toward the rule of law have all benefitted from the weakening of the “enemy mentality.” Even in the political arena, where progress is slowest, the weakening of the enemy mentality has led to an ever-growing tolerance for social pluralism on the part of the regime and substantial decrease in the force of persecution of political dissidents, and the official designation of the 1989 Movement has also been changed from “turmoil and riot” to “political disturbance.” The weakening of the enemy mentality has paved the way for the regime to gradually accept the universality of human rights. In [1997 and] 1998 the Chinese government made a commitment to sign two major United Nations international human rights covenants, signaling China’s acceptance of universal human rights standards. In 2004, the National People’s Congress (NPC) amended the Constitution, writing into the Constitution for the first time that “the state respects and guarantees human rights,” signaling that human rights have already become one of the fundamental principles of China’s rule of law. At the same time, the current regime puts forth the ideas of “putting people first” and “Creating a harmonious society,” signaling progress in the CPC’s concept of rule.

I have also been able to feel this progress on the macro level through my own personal experience since my arrest.

Although I continue to maintain that I am innocent and that the charges against me are unconstitutional, during the one plus year since I have lost my freedom, I have been locked up at two different locations and gone through four pretrial police interrogators, three prosecutors, and two judges, but in handling my case, they have not been disrespectful, overstepped time limitations, or tried to force a confession. Their manner has been moderate and reasonable; moreover, they have often shown goodwill. On June 23, I was moved from a location where I was kept under residential surveillance to the Beijing Municipal Public Security Bureau’s No. 1 Detention Center, known as “Beikan.” During my six months at Beikan, I saw improvements in prison management.

In 1996, I spent time at the old Beikan (located at Banbuqiao). Compared to the old Beikan of more than a decade ago, the present Beikan is a huge improvement, both in terms of the “hardware” - the facilities - and the “software” - the management. In particular, the humane management pioneered by the new Beikan, based on respect for the rights an integrity of detainees, has brought flexible management to bear on every aspect of the behavior of the correctional staff, and has found expression in the “comforting broadcasts,” Repentance magazine, and music before meals, on waking and at bedtime. This style of management allows detainees to experience a sense of dignity and warmth, and stirs their consciousness in maintaining prison order and opposing the bullies among inmates. 

Not only has it provided a humane living environment for detainees, it has also greatly improved the environment for their litigation to take place and their state of mind. I’ve had close contact with correctional officer Liu Zheng, who has been in charge of me in my cell, and his respect and care for detainees could be seen in every detail of his work, permeating his every word and deed, and giving one a warm feeling. It was perhaps my good fortune to have gotten to know this sincere, honest, conscien tious, and kind correctional officer during my time at Beikan.

It is precisely because of such convictions and personal experience that I firmly believe that China ‘s political progress will not stop, and I, filled with optimism, look forward to the advent of a future free China . For there is no force that can put an end to the human quest for freedom, and China will in the end become.a nation ruled by law, where human rights reign supreme. I also hope that this sort of progress can be reflected in this trial as I await the impartial ruling of the collegial bench - a ruling that will withstand the test of history.

If I may be permitted to say so, the most fortunate experience of these past twenty years has been the selfless love I have received from my wife, Liu Xia. She could not be present as an observer in court today, but I still want to say to you, my dear, that I firmly believe your love for me will remain the same as it has always been. Throughout all these years that I have lived without freedom, our love was full of bitterness imposed by outside circumstances, but as I savor its aftertaste, it remains boundless. I am serving my sentence in a tangible prison, while you wait in the intangible prison of the heart. Your love is the sunlight that leaps over high walls and penetrates the iron bars of my prison window, stroking every inch of my skin, warming every cell of my body, allowing me to always keep peace, openness, and brightness in my heart, and filling every minute of my time in prison with meaning. My love for you, on the other hand, is so full of remorse and regret that it at times makes me stagger under its weight. I am an insensate stone in the wilderness, whipped by fierce wind and torrential rain, so cold that no one dares touch me. But my love is solid and sharp, capable of piercing through any obstacle. Even if I were crushed into powder, I would still use my ashes to embrace you.

My dear, with your love I can calmly face my impending trial, having no regrets about the choices I’ve made and optimistically awaiting tomorrow. I look forward to [the day] when my country is a land with freedom of expression, where the speech of every citizen will be treated equally well; where different values, ideas, beliefs, and political views ... can both compete with each other and peacefully coexist; where both majority and minority views will be equally guaranteed, and where the political views that differ from those currently in power, in particular, will be fully respected and protected; where all political views will spread out under the sun for people to choose from, where every citizen can state political views without fear, and where no one can under any circumstances suffer political persecution for voicing divergent political views. I hope that I will be the last victim of China ‘s endless literary inquisitions and that from now on no one will be incriminated because of speech.

Freedom of expression is the foundation of human rights, the source of humanity, and the mother of truth. To strangle freedom of speech is to trample on human rights, stifle humanity, and suppress truth.

In order to exercise the right to freedom of speech conferred by the Constitution, one should fulfill the social responsibility of a Chinese citizen. There is nothing criminal in anything I have done. [But] if charges are brought against me because of this, I have no complaints.

Thank you, everyone.

 

(Based on a translation by J. Latourelle)

 

 

 

(Ceremony of the Nobel Peace Prize 2010, December 10, 2012, in the absence of the laureate Liu Xiaobo)



publicado por Sérgio Passos às 14:43
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Charter 08 - Full Text in English

Charter 08

December 9, 2008:

 

(Translated from the Chinese by Perry Link)

 

The document below, signed by over three hundred prominent Chinese citizens, was conceived and written in conscious admiration of the founding of Charter 77 in Czechoslovakia, where, in January 1977, more than two hundred Czech and Slovak intellectuals formed a loose, informal, and open association of people... united by the will to strive individually and collectively for respect for human and civil rights in our country and throughout the world.

 

The Chinese document calls not for ameliorative reform of the current political system but for an end to some of its essential features, including one-party rule, and their replacement with a system based on human rights and democracy.

 

The prominent citizens who have signed the document are from both outside and inside the government, and include not only well-known dissidents and intellectuals, but also middle-level officials and rural leaders. They have chosen December 10, the anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as the day on which to express their political ideas and to outline their vision of a constitutional, democratic China. They intend "Charter 08" to serve as a blueprint for fundamental political change in China in the years to come. The signers of the document will form an informal group, open-ended in size but united by a determination to promote democratization and protection of human rights in China and beyond.

On December 8 two prominent signers of the Charter, Zhang Zuhua and Liu Xiaobo, were detained by the police. Zhang Zuhua has since been released; as of December 9, Liu Xiabo remains in custody.

 

I. Foreword

 

A hundred years have passed since the writing of China's first constitution. 2008 also marks the sixtieth anniversary of the promulgation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the thirtieth anniversary of the appearance of Democracy Wall in Beijing, and the tenth of China's signing of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. We are approaching the twentieth anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen massacre of pro-democracy student protesters. The Chinese people, who have endured human rights disasters and uncountable struggles across these same years, now include many who see clearly that freedom, equality, and human rights are universal values of humankind and that democracy and constitutional government are the fundamental framework for protecting these values.

 

By departing from these values, the Chinese government's approach to "modernization" has proven disastrous. It has stripped people of their rights, destroyed their dignity, and corrupted normal human intercourse. So we ask: Where is China headed in the twenty-first century? Will it continue with "modernization" under authoritarian rule, or will it embrace universalhuman values, join the mainstream of civilized nations, and build a democratic system? There can be no avoiding these questions.

 

The shock of the Western impact upon China in the nineteenth century laid bare a decadent authoritarian system and marked the beginning of what is often called "the greatest changes in thousands of years" for China. A "self-strengthening movement" followed, but this aimed simply at appropriating the technology to build gunboats and other Western material objects. China's humiliating naval defeat at the hands of Japan in 1895 only confirmed the obsolescence of China's system of government. The first attempts at modern political change came with the ill-fated summer of reforms in 1898, but these were cruelly crushed by ultraconservatives at China's imperial court. With the revolution of 1911, which inaugurated Asia's first republic, the authoritarian imperial system that had lasted for centuries was finally supposed to have been laid to rest. But social conflict inside our country and external pressures were to prevent it; China fell into a patchwork of warlord fiefdoms and the new republic became a fleeting dream.

 

The failure of both "self-strengthening" and political renovation caused many of our forebears to reflect deeply on whether a "cultural illness" was afflicting our country. This mood gave rise, during the May Fourth Movement of the late 1910s, to the championing of "science and democracy." Yet that effort, too, foundered as warlord chaos persisted and the Japanese invasion [beginning in Manchuria in 1931] brought national crisis.

 

Victory over Japan in 1945 offered one more chance for China to move toward modern government, but the Communist defeat of the Nationalists in the civil war thrust the nation into the abyss of totalitarianism. The "new China" that emerged in 1949 proclaimed that "the people are sovereign" but in fact set up a system in which "the Party is all-powerful." The Communist Party of China seized control of all organs of the state and all political, economic, and social resources, and, using these, has produced a long trail of human rights disasters, including, among many others, the Anti-Rightist Campaign (1957), the Great Leap Forward (1958ˆ1960), the Cultural Revolution (1966ˆ1969), the June Fourth (Tiananmen Square) Massacre (1989), and the current repression of all unauthorized religions and the suppression of the weiquan rights movement [a movement that aims to defend citizens' rights promulgated in the Chinese Constitution and to fight for human rights recognized by international conventions that the Chinese government has signed]. During all this, the Chinese people have paid a gargantuan price. Tens of millions have lost their lives, and several generations have seen their freedom, their happiness, and their human dignity cruelly trampled.

 

During the last two decades of the twentieth century the government policy of "Reform and Opening" gave the Chinese people relief from the pervasive poverty and totalitarianism of the Mao Zedong era and brought substantial increases in the wealth and living standards of many Chinese as well as a partial restoration of economic freedom and economic rights. Civil society began to grow, and popular calls for more rights and more political freedom have grown apace. As the ruling elite itself moved toward private ownership and the market economy, it began to shift from an outright rejection of "rights" to a partial acknowledgment of them.

 

In 1998 the Chinese government signed two important international human rights conventions; in 2004 it amended its constitution to include the phrase "respect and protect human rights"; and this year, 2008, it has promised to promote a "national human rights action plan." Unfortunately most of this political progress has extended no further than the paper on which it is written. The political reality, which is plain for anyone to see, is that China has many laws but no rule of law; it has a constitution but no constitutional government. The ruling elite continues to cling to its authoritarian power and fights off any move toward political change.

 

The stultifying results are endemic official corruption, an undermining of the rule of law, weak human rights, decay in public ethics, crony capitalism, growing inequality between the wealthy and the poor, pillage of the natural environment as well as of the human and historical environments, and the exacerbation of a long list of social conflicts, especially, in recent times, a sharpening animosity between officials and ordinary people.

 

As these conflicts and crises grow ever more intense, and as the ruling elite continues with impunity to crush and to strip away the rights of citizens to freedom, to property, and to the pursuit of happiness, we see the powerless in our society ̃the vulnerable groups, the people who have been suppressed and monitored, who have suffered cruelty and even torture, and who have had no adequate avenues for their protests, no courts to hear their pleas ̃becoming more militant and raising the possibility of a violent

conflict of disastrous proportions. The decline of the current system has reached the point where change is no longer optional.

 

II. Our Fundamental Principles

 

This is a historic moment for China, and our future hangs in the balance. In reviewing the political modernization process of the past hundred years or more, we reiterate and endorse basic universal values as follows:

 

Freedom. Freedom is at the core of universal human values. Freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, freedom of association, freedom in where to live, and the freedoms to strike, to demonstrate, and to protest, among others, are the forms that freedom takes. Without freedom, China will always remain far from civilized ideals.

 

Human rights. Human rights are not bestowed by a state. Every person is born with inherent rights to dignity and freedom. The government exists for the protection of the human rights of its citizens. The exercise of state power must be authorized by the people. The succession of political disasters in China's recent history is a direct consequence of the ruling regime's

disregard for human rights.

 

Equality. The integrity, dignity, and freedom of every person ̃regardless of social station, occupation, sex, economic condition, ethnicity, skin color, religion, or political belief ̃are the same as those of any other. Principles of equality before the law and equality of social, economic, cultural,

civil, and political rights must be upheld.

 

Republicanism. Republicanism, which holds that power should be balanced among different branches of government and competing interests should be served, resembles the traditional Chinese political ideal of "fairness in all under heaven." It allows different interest groups and social

assemblies, and people with a variety of cultures and beliefs, to exercise democratic self-government and to deliberate in order to reach peaceful resolution of public questions on a basis of equal access to government and free and fair competition.

 

Democracy. The most fundamental principles of democracy are that the people are sovereign and the people select their government. Democracy has these characteristics: (1) Political power begins with the people and the legitimacy of a regime derives from the people. (2) Political power is exercised through choices that the people make. (3) The holders of major official posts in government at all levels are determined through periodic competitive elections. (4) While honoring the will of the majority, the fundamental dignity, freedom, and human rights of minorities are protected. In short, democracy is a modern means for achieving government truly "of the people, by the people, and for the people."

 

Constitutional rule. Constitutional rule is rule through a legal system and legal regulations to implement principles that are spelled out in a constitution. It means protecting the freedom and the rights of citizens, limiting and defining the scope of legitimate government power, and providing the administrative apparatus necessary to serve these ends.

 

III. What We Advocate

 

Authoritarianism is in general decline throughout the world; in China, too, the era of emperors and overlords is on the way out. The time is arriving everywhere for citizens to be masters of states. For China the path that leads out of our current predicament is to divest ourselves of the authoritarian notion of reliance on an "enlightened overlord" or an "honest official" and to turn instead toward a system of liberties, democracy, and the rule of law, and toward fostering the consciousness of modern citizens who see rights as fundamental and participation as a duty. Accordingly, and in a spirit of this duty as responsible and constructive citizens, we offer the following recommendations on national governance, citizens' rights, and social development:

 

1. A New Constitution. We should recast our present constitution, rescinding its provisions that contradict the principle that sovereignty resides with the people and turning it into a document that genuinely guarantees human rights, authorizes the exercise of public power, and serves as the legal

underpinning of China's democratization. The constitution must be the highest law in the land, beyond violation by any individual, group, or political party.

 

2. Separation of powers. We should construct a modern government in which the separation of legislative, judicial, and executive power is guaranteed. We need an Administrative Law that defines the scope of government responsibility and prevents abuse of administrative power. Government should be responsible to taxpayers. Division of power between provincial governments and the central government should adhere to the principle that central powers are only those specifically granted by the constitution and

all other powers belong to the local governments.

 

3. Legislative democracy. Members of legislative bodies at all levels should be chosen by direct election, and legislative democracy should observe just and impartial principles.

 

4. An Independent Judiciary. The rule of law must be above the interests of any particular political party and judges must be independent. We need to establish a constitutional supreme court and institute procedures for constitutional review. As soon as possible, we should abolish all of the Committees on Political and Legal Affairs that now allow Communist Party officials at every level to decide politically-sensitive cases in advance and out of court. We should strictly forbid the use of public offices for private purposes.

 

5. Public Control of Public Servants. The military should be made answerable to the national government, not to a political party, and should be made more professional. Military personnel should swear allegiance to the constitution and remain nonpartisan. Political party organizations shall be prohibited in the military. All public officials including police should serve as nonpartisans, and the current practice of favoring one political party in the hiring of public servants must end.

 

6. Guarantee of Human Rights. There shall be strict guarantees of human rights and respect for human dignity. There should be a Human Rights Committee, responsible to the highest legislative body, that will prevent the government from abusing public power in violation of human rights. A democratic and constitutional China especially must guarantee the personal freedom of citizens. No one shall suffer illegal arrest, detention, arraignment, interrogation, or punishment. The system of "Reeducation through Labor" must be abolished.

 

7. Election of Public Officials. There shall be a comprehensive system of democratic elections based on "one person, one vote." The direct election of administrative heads at the levels of county, city, province, and nation should be systematically implemented. The rights to hold periodic free elections and to participate in them as a citizen are inalienable.

 

8. RuralˆUrban Equality. The two-tier household registry system must be abolished. This system favors urban residents and harms rural residents. We should establish instead a system that gives every citizen the same constitutional rights and the same freedom to choose where to live.

 

9. Freedom to Form Groups. The right of citizens to form groups must be guaranteed. The current system for registering nongovernment groups, which requires a group to be "approved," should be replaced by a system in which a group simply registers itself. The formation of political parties should be governed by the constitution and the laws, which means that we must abolish the special privilege of one party to monopolize power and must guarantee principles of free and fair competition among political parties.

 

10. Freedom to Assemble. The constitution provides that peaceful assembly, demonstration, protest, and freedom of expression are fundamental rights of a citizen. The ruling party and the government must not be permitted to subject these to illegal interference or unconstitutional obstruction.

 

11. Freedom of Expression. We should make freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and academic freedom universal, thereby guaranteeing that citizens can be informed and can exercise their right of political supervision. These freedoms should be upheld by a Press Law that abolishes political

restrictions on the press. The provision in the current Criminal Law that refers to "the crime of incitement to subvert state power" must be abolished. We should end the practice of viewing words as crimes.

 

12. Freedom of Religion. We must guarantee freedom of religion and belief and institute a separation of religion and state. There must be no governmental interference in peaceful religious activities. We should abolish any laws, regulations, or local rules that limit or suppress the religious freedom of citizens. We should abolish the current system that requires religious groups (and their places of worship) to get official approval in advance and substitute for it a system in which registry is optional and, for those who choose to register, automatic.

 

13. Civic Education. In our schools we should abolish political curriculums and examinations that are designed to indoctrinate students in state ideology and to instill support for the rule of one party. We should replace them with civic education that advances universal values and citizens' rights, fosters civic consciousness, and promotes civic virtues that serve society.

 

14. Protection of Private Property. We should establish and protect the right to private property and promote an economic system of free and fair markets. We should do away with government monopolies in commerce and industry and guarantee the freedom to start new enterprises. We should establish a Committee on State-Owned Property, reporting to the national legislature, that will monitor the transfer of state-owned enterprises to private ownership in a fair, competitive, and orderly manner. We should institute a land reform that promotes private ownership of land, guarantees the right to buy and sell land, and allows the true value of private property to be adequately reflected in the market.

 

15. Financial and Tax Reform. We should establish a democratically regulated and accountable system of public finance that ensures the protection of taxpayer rights and that operates through legal procedures. We need a system by which public revenues that belong to a certain level of

government ̃central, provincial, county or local ̃are controlled at that level. We need major tax reform that will abolish any unfair taxes, simplify the tax system, and spread the tax burden fairly. Government officials should not be able to raise taxes, or institute new ones, without public deliberation and the approval of a democratic assembly. We should reform the ownership system in order to encourage competition among a wider variety of market participants.

 

16. Social Security. We should establish a fair and adequate social security system that covers all citizens and ensures basic access to education, health care, retirement security, and employment.

 

17. Protection of the Environment. We need to protect the natural environment and to promote development in a way that is sustainable and responsible to our descendents and to the rest of humanity. This means insisting that the state and its officials at all levels not only do what they must do to achieve these goals, but also accept the supervision and participation of non-governmental organizations.

 

18. A Federated Republic. A democratic China should seek to act as a responsible major power contributing toward peace and development in the Asian Pacific region by approaching others in a spirit of equality and fairness. In Hong Kong and Macao, we should support the freedoms that already exist. With respect to Taiwan, we should declare our commitment to the principles of freedom and democracy and then, negotiating as equals, and ready to compromise, seek a formula for peaceful unification. We should approach disputes in the national-minority areas of China with an open mind, seeking ways to find a workable framework within which all ethnic and religious groups can flourish. We should aim ultimately at a federation of democratic communities of China.

 

19. Truth in Reconciliation. We should restore the reputations of all people, including their family members, who suffered political stigma in the political campaigns of the past or who have been labeled as criminals because of their thought, speech, or faith. The state should pay reparations to these people. All political prisoners and prisoners of conscience must be released. There should be a Truth Investigation Commission charged with finding the facts about past injustices and atrocities, determining responsibility for them, upholding justice, and, on these bases, seeking social reconciliation.

 

China, as a major nation of the world, as one of five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, and as a member of the UN Council on Human Rights, should be contributing to peace for humankind and progress toward human rights. Unfortunately, we stand today as the only country among the major nations that remains mired in authoritarian politics. Our political system continues to produce human rights disasters and social crises, thereby not only constricting China's own development but also

limiting the progress of all of human civilization. This must change, truly it must. The democratization of Chinese politics can be put off no longer.

 

Accordingly, we dare to put civic spirit into practice by announcing Charter 08. We hope that our fellow citizens who feel a similar sense of crisis, responsibility, and mission, whether they are inside the government or not, and regardless of their social status, will set aside small differences to embrace the broad goals of this citizens' movement. Together we can work for major changes in Chinese society and for the rapid establishment of a free, democratic, and constitutional country. We can bring to reality the goals and ideals that our people have incessantly been seeking for more than a hundred years, and can bring a brilliant new chapter to Chinese civilization.

 

 

Relevant links:

 

Charter 08 signed by:

Yu Haocheng(Beijing, Jurist) Zhang Sizhi(Beijing, Lawyer) Mao Yushi(Beijing, Economist) (Du Guang(Beijing, Political Scientist) Li Pu(Beijing, Ex Vice-director Xinhua News Agency) Liu Shahe( Sichuan, Poet)

Sha Yexin(Shanghai, Dramatist) Wu Maohua(Sichuan, Writer) Zhang Xianyang(Beijing, Thinker) Sun Wenguang( Shandong, Professor) Bao Tong(Beijing, Citizen)

Ding Zilin(Beijing, Professor) Zhang Xianling(Beijing, Engineer) Xu Jue(Beijing, Researcher)

Jiang Peikun( Beijing, Professor) Liu Xiaobo(Beijing, Writer) Zhang Zuhua(Beijing, Scholar) Gao Yu(Beijing, Journalist)

Dai Qing(Beijing, Writer) Jiang Qisheng(Beijing, Scholar) Ai Xiaoming(Guangzhou, Professor) Liu Junning(Beijing, Political Scientist) Zhang Xukun(Zhejiang, Professor) Xu Youyu(Beijing, Philosopher) He Weifang( Beijing, Jurist) Mo Shaoping(Beijing, Lawyer) Chen Ziming(Beijing, Scholar) Zhang Boshu(Beijing, Political Scientist) Cui Weiping(Beijing, Scholar) He Guanghu(Beijing, Religion Scholar) Hao Jian(Beijing, Scholar) Shen Minhua( Zhejiang, Professor) Li Datong(Beijing, Journalist) Su Xianting(Beijing, Art Critic) Zhang Ming(Beijing, Professor) Yu Jie(Beijing, Writer) Yu Shicun(Beijing, Writer) Qin Geng(Hainan, Writer)

Zhou Duo(Beijing, Scholar) Pu Zhiqiang(Beijing, Lawyer) Zhao Dagong(Beijing, Writer) Yao Lifa( Hubei, Election expert) Feng Zhenghu(Shanghai, Scholar) Zhou Qing(Beijing, Writer) Yang Hengjun(Guangzhou, Writer) Teng Biao( Beijing, Lecturer) Jiang Danwen(Shanghai, Writer) Wei SeTibet, Writer Ma Bo( Beijing, Writer) Cha Jianying(Beijing, Writer) Hu Fayun(Hubei, Writer) Jiao Guobiao(Beijing, Scholar) Li Gongming(Guangdong, Professor) Zhao Hui(Beijing, Critic) Li Baiguang(Beijing, Lawyer) Fu Guoyong(Zhejiang, Writer) Ma Shaofang(Guangdong, Businessman) Zhang Hong (Shanghai, Professor) Xia Yeliang(Beijing, Economist) Ran Yunfei(Sichuan, Scholar) Liao Yiwu(Sichuan, Writer) Wang Yi( Sichuan, Scholar)

Wang Xiaoyu(Shanghai, Scholar) Su Yuanzhen(Zhejiang, Professor) Qiang Jianzhong(Nanjing, Senior Journalist) Ouyang Xiaorong(Yunnan, Poet) Liu Di(Beijing, Self-empolyed) Zan Aizong(Zhejiang, Journalist) Zhou Hongling(Beijing, Social Activist) ( ) Feng Gang (Zhejiang, Professor) Chen Lin( Guangzhou, Scholar) Yin Xian(Gansu, Poet) Zhou Ming(Zhejiang, Professor) Ling Cangzhou(Beijing, Journalist) Tie Liu(Beijing, Writer) Chen Fengxiao (Shandong, Rightist ) Yao Bo( Beijing, Critic) Zhang Jinjun(Guangdong, Professional manager) Li Jianhong( Shanghai, Writer) Zhang Shanguang(Hunan, Human rights Defender) Li Deming(Hunan Media Worker) Liu Jianan (Hunan, Teacher) Wang Xiaoshan(Beijing, Media worker) Fan Yafeng(Beijing, Scholar) Zhou Mingchu( Zhejiang, Professor) Liang Xiaoyan(Beijing, Enviromental Volunteer)

Xu Xiao(Beijing, Writer) Chen Xi(Guizhou, Human rights Defender) Zhao Cheng(Shanxi, Scholar) Li Yuanlong(Guizhou, Freelance Writer) Shen Youlian(Guizhou, Human rights Defender) Jiang Suimin(Beijing, Engineer) Lu Zhongming(Shanxi, Scholar) Meng Huang(Beijing, Painter) Lin Fuwu(Fujian, Human rights Defender) Liao Shuangyuan(Guizhou, Human rights Defender) Lu Xuesong(Jilin, Teacher) Guo Yushan( Beijing, Scholar) Chen Huanhui(Fujian, Human rights Defender) Zhu Jiuhu(Beijing, Lawyer) Jin GuangHong(Beijing, Lawyer) Gao Chaoqun(Beijing, Editor) Bai Feng(Jilin, Poet) Zheng Xuguang(Beijing, Scholar) Zeng Jinyan(Beijing, Rights Defender) Wu Yuqin(Guizhou, Human rights Defender) Du Yilong(Shanxi, Writer) Li Hai(Beijing, Human Rights Defender) Zhang Hui(Shanxi, Democratic Activist) Jiangshan( Guangdong, Rights Defender)

Xu Guoqing(Guizhou, Democratic Activist) Wu Yu(Guizhou, Democratic Activist) Zhang Mingzhen(Guizhou, Democratic Activist) Zeng Ning(Guizhou, Democratic Activist)

Quan Linzhi(Guizhou, Democratic Activist) Ye Hang(Zhejiang, Professor) Ma YunlongHenan, Scholar Zhu Jianguo(Guangdong, Writer)

Li Tie( Guangdong, Democratic Activist) Mo Jiangang(Guizhou, Freelance writer) Zhang Yaojie(Beijing, Scholar) Wu Baojian(Zhejiang, Lawyer)

Yang Guang(Guangxi, Scholar) Yu Meisun( Beijing,Legal worker) Xing Jian(Beijing, Legal Worker) Wang Guangze(Beijing, Social Activist) Chen Shaohua(Guangdong, Designer) Liu Yiming(Hubei, Freelance Writer) Wu Zuolai(Beijing, Researcher) Gao Zhen(Shandong, Artist) Gao Qiang(Shandong, Artist) Tang Jingling(Guangzhou, Lawyer) Li Xiaolong(Guangxi, Rights Defender) Jing Chu(Guangxi, Freelance Writer)

Li Biao(Anhui, Businessman) Guo Yan(Guangzhou, Lawyer) Yang ShiyuanZhejiang, Rightist Yang Kuanxing(Shandong, Writer) Li Jinfang(Hebei, Democratic Activist) Wang Yuwen(Guizhou, Poet)

Yang Zhongyi(Anhui, Worker) Wu Xinyuan (Hebei, Farmer) Du Heping(Guizhou, Democratic Activist) Feng Ling(Hubei, Democratic Activist) Zhang Xianzhong(Hubei, Entrepreneur) ( ) Cai Jingzhong(Guangdong, Farmer) Wang DianbinHubei, Entrepreneur ( ) Cai Jincai(Guangdong, Farmer) Gao Aiguo(Hubei, Entrepreneur) ( ) Chen Zhanyao(Guangdong,Farmer) He Wenkai(Hubei, Entrepreneur) Wu Dangying(Shanghai, Rights Defender) ( ) Zeng Qingbin(Guangdong,Worker) Mao Haixiu(Shanghai, Rights Defender) Zhuang DaoheHangzhou, Lawyer Li Xiongbing (Beijing, Lawyer) Li Renke(Guizhou, Democratic Activist) Zuo Li (Hebei, Lawyer)

Dong Dez(Guizhou, Democratic Activist) Tao Yuping(Guizhou, Democratic Activist) ITWang Junxiu(Beijing, IT Professional) Huang Xiaomin(Sichuan, Rights Defender) Zheng Enchong(Shanghai,Lawyer)

Zhang Junling(Shanghai, Rights Defender) Yang Hai( Shanxi, Scholar) Ai Furong(Shanghai, Rights Defender) Yang Huaren(Hubei, Legal Worker)

Wei Qin(Shanghai, Rights Defender) Su Zuxiang(Hubei, Teacher) Shen Yulian(Shanghai, Rights Defender) Guan Hongshan(Hubei, Human Rights Defender) Song Xianke(Guangdong, Businessman)

Wang Guoqiang(Hubei, Human Rights Defender) Wang Debang(Beijing, Writer) Chen Enjuan(Shanghai, Rights Defender) Li Yong(Beijing, Media worker)

Chang Xiongfa(Shanghai, Rights Defender) Wang Jinglong(Beijing, Scholar) Xu Zhengqing(Shanghai, Rights Defender) Gao Junsheng(Shanxi, Editor)

Zheng Beibei(Shanghai, Rights Defender) Wang Dinghua(Hubei, Lawyer)

Tan Lanying(Shanghai, Rights Defender) Fan Yanqiong(Fujian, Human Rights Defender) Lin Hui(Zhejiang, Poet) Wu Huaying(Fujian, Human Rights Defender) Xue Zhenbiao(Zhejiang, Democratic Activist) Dong Guoqing(Shanghai, Human Rights Defender) Chen Yufeng(Hubei, Legal Worker) Duan Ruofei(Shanghai, Human Rights Defender) Wang Zhongling(Shanxi, Teacher) Dong Chunhua(Shanghai, Human Rights Defender) Chen Xiuqin(Shanghai, Human Rights Defender) Gu Chuan(Beijing, Journalist) Liu Zhengyou(Sichuan, Rights Defender) Ma Xiao(Beijing, Writer) Wan Yanhai(Beijing, Public Health Expert) Shen Peilan Shanghai, Rights Defender Ye Xiaogang(Zhejiang, retired Lecturer) Zhang Jingsong(Anhui, Worker) Zhang Jinfa(Zhejiang, Rightist) Wang liqing(Shanghai, Rights Defender) Zhao Changqing( Shanxi, Writer) Jin Yuehua(Shanghai, Rights Defender) Yu Zhangfa(Guangxi, Writer) Chen Qiyong(Shanghai, Rights Defender)

Liu Xianbin(Sichuan, Democratic Activist) Ouyang Yi (Sichuan, Human Rights Defender) Deng Huanwu(Chongqing, Businessman) He Weihua(Hunan, Democratic Activist) ITLi Dongzhuo(Hunan, IT professional) Tian Yongde(Inner Mongolia, Human Rights Defender) Zhi Xiaomin(Shanxi, Scholar) Li Changyu(Shandong, Teacher) Zhu Jianguo(Guangdong, Freelance Writer) Guo Weidong(Zhejiang, Clerk) Chen Wei(Sichuan, Democratic Activist) Wang Jinan(Hubei, Entrepreneur) Cha Wenjun(Shanghai, Rights Defender) Hou Shuming(Hubei, Entrepreneur) Liu Hannan(Hubei, Human Rights Defender) Shi Ruoping(Shandong, Professor) Zhang renxiang(Hubei, Human Rights Defender) Ye Du(Guangdong, Editor) Xia Gang(Hubei, Human Rights Defender) Zhao Guoliang(Hunan,Democratic Activist) Li Zhiying(Beijing, Social Activist) Zhang Chongfa(Guizhou, Democratic Activist) Chen Yongmiao(Beijing, Lawyer) Jiang Ying(Tianjin, Poet)

Tian Zuxiang(Guizhou, Democratic Activist) Huang Zhijia(Hubei,Public Servant) Guan Yebo(Hubei, Public Servant) Wang Wangming(Hubei, Entrepreneur) Gao Xinrui(Hubei, Entrepreneur)

Song Shuiquan(Hubei, Legal Worker) Zhao Jingzhou(Heilongjiang, Human Rights Defender) Wen Kejian(Zhejiang, Scholar) Wei Wenying(Yunan, Teacher) Chen Huijuan(Heilongjiang, Human Rights Defender) Chen Yanxiong(Hubei, Teacher) Duan Chunfang(Shanghai, Human Rights Defender) Liu Zhengshan(Yunnan, Engineer) Guan Min(Hubei, Lecturer) Dai Yuanlong(Fujian, Entrepreneur) Yu Yiwei(Guangdong, Freelance Writer) ) Han Zurong(Fujian, Entrepreneur) Wang Dingliang( Hubei, Lawyer) Chen Qinglin(Beijing, Human Rights Defender) Qian Shishun(Guangdong, Entrepreneur) Zeng Boyan(Sichuan, Writer) Ma Yalian(Shanghai, Human Rights Defender) Che Hongnian(Shandong, Freelance Writer) Qin Zhigang(Shandong, Engineer)

Song Xiangfeng(Hubei, Teacher) Deng Fuhua(Hubei, Writer) Xu Kang(Hubei, Public servant) Li Jianqiang( Shandong, Lawyer) Li Renbing(Beijing, Lawyer)

Qiu Meili(Shanghai, Rights Defender) ) Lan Zhixue(Beijing, Lawyer) Zhou Jinchang(Zhejiang, Rightist) Huang YanmingGuizhou, Democratic Activist Liu Wei(Beijing, Lawyer)

Yan Liehan(Hubei, Entrepreneur) Chen Defu(Guizhou, Democratic Activist) Guo Yongxin(Hubei, Doctor) Guo Yongfeng(Guangdong,Rights Defender) Yuan Xinting(Guangzhou, Editor) Qi Huimin(Zhejiang, Democratic Activist) Li Yu(Sichuan, Editor) Xie Fulin(Hunan, Human Rights Defender) Xu Guang(Zhejiang, Entrepreneur) Ye Huo(Guangdong, Freelance Writer) Zou Wei(Zhejiang, Rights Defender) Xiao Linbin(Zhejiang, Engineer) Gao Haibing(Zhejiang, Democratic Activist) , Tian Qizhuang (Hebei, Writer)

Deng Taiqing(Shanxi, Democratic Activist) , Pei Hongxin(Hebei, Teacher) ,Xu Min(Jilin, Legal worker) ,Li Xige(Henan, Rights Defender)

, Feng QiuSheng(Guangdong, Farmer) ,Hou Wenbao( Anhui, Rights Defender) Tang Jitian(Beijing, Lawyer) Liu Rongchao( Anhui, Farmer)

Li Tianxiang(Henan,worker) Cui Yuzhen(Hebei, Lawyer) Xu Maolian(Anhui, Farmer) Zhai Linhua(Anhui, Teacher) Tao Xiaoxia(Anhui, Farmer) Zhang Wang(Fujian, Worker) Huang Dachuan(Liaoning, Clerk) Chen Xiaoyuan (Hainan, Clerk) Zhang Jiankang (Shaanxi, Law worker) Zhang Xingshui (Beijing, Lawyer)

Ma Gangquan (Beijing, Lawyer) Wang Jinxiang (Hubei, Rights Defender) Wang Jiaying (Hubei, Entrepreneur) Yan Laiyun (Hubei, Entrepreneur) Li Xiaoming (Hubei, Rights Defender) Xiao Shuixiang (Hubei, Rights Defender)

Yan Yuxiang (Hubei, Rights Defender) Liu Yi (Beijing, Painter) Zhang Zhengxiang (Yunnan,Environmentalist)

 



publicado por Sérgio Passos às 14:29
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U2 - Bad Live Aid 1985

O dia em que toda a gente ficou a conhecer os U2!

Um espectáculo dentro do espectáculo.

 

 

 

 

 


tags: , ,

publicado por Sérgio Passos às 00:25
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U2 - Bad Live Aid 1985

O dia em que toda a gente ficou a conhecer os U2!

Um espectáculo dentro do espectáculo.

 

 


tags: ,

publicado por Sérgio Passos às 00:09
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Sexta-feira, 27 de Dezembro de 2013
Será inconstitucional mandar prende-los?

A dívida pública do Estado Português somava em Outubro de 2013 o montante global de 209.802.643.627,92 €.

A dívida pública representava em Outubro deste ano 124,1% do Produto Interno Bruto português.

No início de 1975 a dívida do país era somente de 500 milhões de euros e representava 20,0% do Produto Interno Bruto (PIB).

Em 31 de Dezembro de 1974 o Banco de Portugal (BdP) tinha 865.936 kg (866 toneladas) de ouro nas suas reservas.

Em 2013 as reservas de ouro do BdP eram apenas de 382.509,58 kg.

Ou seja, em 36 anos desapareceram 483.426,42 kg de ouro, o que dá uma média de 13.428,5 kg por ano.

Entre 1986 e 2011, Portugal recebeu da União Europeia o total 80,9 mil milhões de euros em fundos estruturais e de coesão, o que corresponde a nove milhões de euros por dia injetados por Bruxelas no País.

Ainda mais surpreendente é aonde chegámos em 2013, ora vejam lá: as despesas do Estado (em sentido estrito) com as funções de soberania, sociais e económicas são da ordem dos 54,2 mil milhões de euros em 2013, a estes valores soma-se ainda o agregado “outras funções” onde estão classificados os juros da dívida pública a pagar no próximo ano – 7,2 mil milhões de euros – e as amortizações de dívida pública – 116,4 mil milhões de euros.

Quando se opta por olhar para despesa pública em função dos recursos que vão ser necessários para o próximo ano encontramos o montante de 183,7 mil milhões de euros!

Contando que o PIB nacional que soma em 2013 o valor de 165,337 mil milhões de euros, os encargos do Estado português atingem o total de mais de 111% da riqueza nacional criada num só ano!

Perante este tristíssimo cenário, temos de concluir que temos no presente um Estado demasiado grande e parasitário e que durante 39 anos foi sucessivamente dirigido por políticos totalmente incompetentes e a quem pagámos fortunas para nos fazerem tanto mal e nos darem, no final, tanto prejuízo.

Afinal, temos de perguntar: o que é que estes políticos criminosos justamente mereciam?



publicado por Sérgio Passos às 01:52
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Quinta-feira, 26 de Dezembro de 2013
39 anos de mentiras pelo Natal dos portugueses.

Passos Coelho veio, uma vez mais, contudo limitando-se a repetir a ladainha dos seus antecessores chefes de governo de Portugal desde 1975, debitar o discurso estafado e gasto dos pecadilhos da crise económica que assola Portugal.

Mas, se nos seus anteriores dois discursos de Natal, Passos Coelho, vinha prometendo a rápida ultrapassagem da crise e acrescentando promessas de melhorias económicas a breve prazo, nesta sua última mensagem, já mais modestamente, veio dizer que o seu projeto «está a mostrar os primeiros frutos», avisando para 2014 "um ano cheio de desafios", mas que "os sinais positivos ainda não são suficientes para podermos dizer que vencemos esta crise".

Ora, a verdade da crise portuguesa é outra e bem distinta daquela que Passos Coelho teima em não enxergar nas suas mensagens natalícias.

A crise portuguesa dura há já 39 anos e é o simples resultado do sistema económico e político em que a própria economia nacional assenta.

A crise em que vivemos dura há já quase 4 décadas é apenas o claro e direto efeito dos altos impostos cobrados sobre as rendas, poupança e investimentos, que têm resultado no enfraquecimento das atividades e da produtividade económica.

E este alto volume de impostos, especialmente quando combinados com as distorções económicas causadas pelo intervencionismo económico estatal na economia, vem levando a uma crescente escassez de capital, em resultado do elevado consumo público e estatal do volume vital de capital circulante.

Este facto é evidente e está comprovado à saciedade, os portugueses e os consumidores percebem-no e sentem-no bem nos seus bolsos, em seu resultado as empresas abrem falência em virtude da escassez financeira e, em geral, a atividade económica e comercial definha por falta de capital circulante, mas então porque será que os governantes e os decisores políticos insistem em nos enganar repetidamente há 39 anos?

Simples: temos de concluir que este engano que teimam em nos vender reside no caráter fraudulento do próprio sistema político e económico português, de evidente matriz socialista, estatista e intervencionista e que, necessária e progressivamente, apenas serve para nos levar à pobreza e à miséria coletivas.

 



publicado por Sérgio Passos às 00:12
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